Befeqadu Hailu, a member of the Zone-9 blogging group was arrested for criticizing the State of Emergency Declaration, in an interview he gave to the Voice of America. In this note, he shares what he witnessed during his stay at Awash Sebat Military Training Centre, which was turned into a rehabilitation centre for people arrested during the State of Emergency.

Wakoma Tafa was planning to get married on Sunday 9 October 2016, when the police arrested him just three days before his wedding day in Alem Gena -a town 25kms west of Addis Ababa. On his would-be wedding day, the Police took Wakoma to Awash Sebat Federal Police Training Centre, turned into a ‘rehab centre’ (Tehadiso Maekel) as per the Ethiopia’s State of Emergency.

I met Wakoma after the Command Post (a special unit established to to enforce the state of emergency declaration measures) transferred me to Awash Sebat along with 242 other ‘suspects’ from Addis Ababa. Together, we were over 1000 people.

The day we arrived at the center, we saw many youngsters in worn-out dirty shirts, walking barefoot in two lines. A fellow detainee related that it looked like a scene from the movie series ‘Roots’.

A scene from ‘Roots’?

The day we arrived at the center, we saw many youngsters in worn-out dirty shirts, walking barefoot in two lines. A fellow detainee related that it looked like a scene from the movie series ‘Roots’.

Later, we found out that the police were taking them to the sandy field at the back of the compound for physical exercises every day after breakfast. The exercises included frog-jumping, push-ups, sit-ups and supporting their body for long in a push-up position. The hot ground burnt their palms. The police encouraged those too tired to continue by beating them.

Oromia Police, who were in charge of the interrogations, thrashed, kicked, and punched the detainees during interrogation. The purpose of the interrogations was to find out the level of their participation and to name the others in the protests. During the 33 days of our stay, Wakoma’s nose was bleeding every day since a police officer kicked him during interrogation. Nurses at the centre could not stop his bleeding. However, Wakoma was not the only one tortured during interrogations. Most of the ‘suspects’ who were in Awash Sebat for 40 days before our arrival sustained varying degrees of beating, slapping and kicking.

A new normal

Then, our turn came to be paraded, bare footed, to the open pits within the Centre’s compound. The gravel path was hard to walk on barefoot but the yelling of officers dangling their sticks was enough incentive to run on it. Once we reached the toilet pits, we had to sit side by side and do our business. None of us was willing to do it the first day. Later on, we accepted that it as the new normal.

For breakfast, they gave us half-cup of tea and two loaves of bread. I noticed the youngsters, who were there before us, enjoying the additional loaf of bread. Before our arrival, they had only one during breakfasts.

They spread us into 10 different halls each harboring more than one hundred detainees. Each room has sixteen double-decker beds enough for only thirty-two people; the rest shared mattresses on the floor. The rooms have ventilators but not enough to cool the heat. In addition, there was not enough water –not even to drink. In the 33 days of my stay, I was able to wash only two times.

‘Rehabilitation training’

On day two of the parading, the Command Post sent a team to start our ‘rehabilitation training’. They also allowed us to wear shoes. Unfortunately, nearly half of the detainees who were there before us had no shoes when they arrived at the Centre 40 days prior to our arrival.

The state of emergency Inquiry Board came and spoke to notable opposition party members such as Abebe Akalu, Eyasped Tesfaye, and Blen Mesfin. They reported the rights violations we were facing in detail.  However, we learnt that the Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation, the state-broadcaster, reported only logistic problems, entirely leaving out complaints of rights violations.

Most detainees from Addis Ababa, however, complained to the officials that they are victims of personal revenge. Some said people with personal grudges against them tipped their names to the police. Similarly, most detainees from the Oromia regional state maintained they were victims of being in the wrong place at the wrong time.

One of the clips they regularly showed on the screen was the Afaan Oromo song, ‘Madda Seenaa’ by artist Teferi Mekonen. Ironically, Teferi Mekonen was among us. On our “graduation” day, he was invited to perform on the stage. He pleased us all by singing the politically charged Oromifaa song, ‘Maalan Jira’, by the prominent Oromo artist Haacaaluu Hundeessaa. Sadly, Teferi Mekonen is re-arrested immediately after our release from Awash Sebat. I was shocked to see him in a prison here in Addis Ababa when I went to visit my friends, journalists Annania Sori and Elias Gebru.

A day before we left the centre, the police told us we had to wear a t-shirt on which ‘ayidegemim/Irra hin deebiamu’ (never again) is printed in Amharic and Oromifa. None of us hesitated to wear the t-shirts – they were fresh and clean and our souls were desperately looking beyond the centre and to getting back to our homes; we were exhausted and looking forward to resume the life we left.

There were 17 women among the detainees and one of them was pregnant. There were also about 15 underage boys. We were all in it together and we all survived.

I am hoping that the 28 years old Wakoma can re-organize his wedding again.

This blog was originally published on Addis Standard News Paper with the title: Memoirs of my detention at Awash 7: tales of indoctrination, of laughter and the unknown on 30 Dec 2016 (reprinted with modifications with permission of the author)

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Truth Barometer #7

By Odaa Hora

Independent of time and place, most of the acts of genocides known in human history are (were) committed by regimes instigated and sponsor terrorism than insurgencies regardless of how they come to power, either through the ballot box or gunmen. Tyrannical regimes, men like, Hitler’s Nazi Germany, Stalin’s of USSR, Pol Pot’s KhmerRouge of Cambodia, Mengistu Hailmaria’s Derg (Miltary Junta) and Meles Zenawi’s TPLF of “EPRDF”, among many other dictators, authoritarian and tyrannies, whose list has no end are, irrefutable facts of regime terrorism that led to deliberately planned, and executed act of genocides; a crime against humanity. Regime’s Terrorism was employed by as a technique of instance of “state, or new nation-building such as through racial purification (Adolf Hitler’ moto! only “Aryans” have a right to exist, breed and rebreed, and the rest must be wiped out from the  surface of this planet by all means possible), ideological revolution (Mengistu Hailmaria’s imported socialism or death) or development and prosperity of the Tigreans on the fate of the rest of (Meles Zenawi) by scapegoating the people or the group of people they targeted.

Tyrants define themselves in contradistinction to their invented enemy. Hitler found the Jews and other groups –Gypsies, Russians, Poles, etc, Mengistu echoed the USSR’s, Kalashnikov providers slogans; Imperialism, Feudalism, and capitalism; the major three pillar enemies to be distorted for  the seek of his external propaganda, and “anarchism, separatism etc, to massacre all who were against his dictatorial rule and committed genocides known as  the “Red-Terror” and waged wars one after the other, and Meles designed the extermination policies of the Oromos from all sphere of life  in 1996. And later in 2009, he copied and adapted the anti-terrorism law from the USA Patriotic act of legislation against terrorism that was passed by Congress on October 26.Thes are all means through which tyrants can strengthen and dominate their conceptualized, initiated, designed plan to govern their project and to execute it at national and international level.

As their signature tyrannic regimes virtually restrict peaceful means of resolving conflicts by which legitimate aims may be pursued. They are allergic to opposing views, has Zero-tolerance to share political power, thus any available alternative means of resolving conflicts have zero chances, while, the regime for the tyrant regimes power meant, a driving license, to rule with corruption, maim, murder, mass arrests and horror and terror enshrined in one mans rule “state policies” with unlimited power and time.

Once the tyrannic regime figured out what was considered as an enemy, it designes deliberately planned and calculated elimination policies by mobilizing all force under his control. The regime instigatges and wages wars of terror and horror of to exterminate the targeted people or groups of people. The regime massacres, arrests, tortures, rapes, evicts, displaces, conducts gruesome grotesque acts on the victims indiscriminately and genocides take the path.

William D. Perdue in his book, Terrorism, and the State: A Critique of Domination through Fear wrote:

“The main form of terrorism is “regime terrorism,” a “higher terrorism” managed by the leading Western states to help them mobilize the world’s resources and people to serve their own interests. They employ their superior power to advance and protect the transnational system that they dominate and “to keep the world safe from change. These states use a wide array of means to dominate through fear that includes under the rubric terrorism not only straightforward regime terrorism, but also the warfare state and its operations, racial terrorism, settler terrorism, surrogate terrorism, and a vast array of other forms of state intervention.”

Right, after the eves of the collapse of the ideological-east block, and the fall of Berlin wall, the genocides in Rwanda (April to July 1994), in the DRC (1996 – to the present); sometimes called the “African World War” were committed. The genocides in Darfur (2003-to the present) are irrefutable crimes against humanity that the world had destined to witness right at the eves of the 21st century. While the lists of regimes that committed genocide have no ends, the incidences stated here must be considered as the tips of the Iceberg in the bleeding African continent where tyrannic regimes rule have become engrained as a norm in much of the continent today.

The challenging question that one could not figure out is not which regime has, but which regime has not committed genocide per se, in the continent of Africa, according to the definition of the General Assembly of the United Nations (UN) Article 95 (1), and affirmed the principles of the International law recognized by the Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunal and Resolution 96 (1), The Crime of Genocide defined in 1946, as:

“Genocide is a denial of the right of existence of entire human groups as homicide is a denial of the right to live of individual human beings; such denial of the right of existence of human being shocks the conscience of mankind, results in great losses to humanity in the form of cultural and other contributions represented by these groups, and is contrary to moral law and to the spirit and the aim of the United Nations.”

Varies studies made on the issue of basic human rights and democracy in Africa continent proves that out of fifty-five flag anthem dependent “quasi -states” at most six of them transferred power to the next elected person or party, at least without bloodshed, leave alone to think about freedom, justice, rights, rule law etc, in all sphere of life. That indicates that over fifty “quasi African-sates,” the vast majority of the African people are ruled by despotic authoritarian, tyrannic regimes regardless of how they come to power. Thus, it will not be difficult to ferret out the truth of the duties of the catchy name called the African Union: a Union of the club of calcified authoritarian regimes who cling to power until they die, or in some case, last minute fly out to save their neck, or until the bullet gets them. It may seem surprising for the healthy human mind, but in Abyssinia, known with stolen name ”Ethiopia,” whose signature is a territory of chronic famine, wars, displacement, refugees and donot know nothing except being ruled by warlords, despotic monarchy, military junta, and now by TPLF-tyrannical regime at global level, a dead man like Menelik II and Meles Zenawi do rule from their graveyard.

Settler Genocide committed by the Habeshas

Settler and genocides studies prove that both are two sides of the same coin. Some examples may shed more light on it. The European settler commitmented genocide for more centuries against the native Americans, called them “Red Indians” a misnomer. The naitive who survied centuries of gruesome and grotesque acts were not considered as citizens until 1924. Similarliy the European settler commited genocide against Aborigines of Tasmania current Australia.

The Settler Habeshas or Abyssinians (Tigre and Amhara mainly) called (Neftangas) meant the gun-carrier and invader’s and occupiers policies of eliminations of the indigenous black people and the destruction of black African civilizations in the Horn of Africa is as old as their date of immigrations to the region. Their recoder proves that the ponifical glory of the so-called “King Ezanas” empire, converted to Christainity, he virtualy exterminated the indigenous family of the northern Kushite people such as Waraa Aagaa, the family of Aaga branch of the Kushites (Waraa Kaasuu) and deformed to “Agew”and  their indgenious black African civilization. Furthermore, he conducted genocide during his aggradaizment policies and expansion wars toward the south and destructed the Meroitic Black African civilization around the Nile Valley. similar to his half-siblings, the settlers and the invader-hordes from Arabian peninsula that began in the 7th century AD destructed the first and the oldest human civilization known in the world: The Great Nile valley civilizations. Ezan and his invader hordes predated on the occupied people, an institutionalized pluder system called gafol or zagol: the birth of the Abyssinia preadatory and dependent system that holdes true to the present.

The subjugation of Oromos colonial expansion and aggrandizement policy of the aliens of the north who settlers in the north eastern part of Tulama began about one –and –half centuries before meneliks occupation of Fininine. It began by Warlord called Amha Eyasus around 1743, who conquerd all north eastern Tulama Oromos and ruled for 30 years and setteled in Halkobarrii or Goroo beela “Ankober,” about 175 km northeast of Finfinne highland; the heart the  Oromo Land. From there up on each warlord of the alien of the north who lived in gafol system followed up their fathers and grandfather footsteps.

The coming of Europeans after Berlin’s conference, scramble for Africa to the horn of Africa was a prelude to the genocide commited by Menilik and his Hordes. Among the rival warlords in the region, Menelik II wa left the as the only candidate to act like a pawn for major European rival to boost up spehere of influences in the red sea and the Nile River. He profited from allmost from all then in covert or in overt even fron so called  “neutral Swiezerland.” With help of European advanced firearms, financial support, active participation military advisors like Alfred Ilg, Menelik was able to wage wars of colonization, under the umbrella called “Hager maqnat” means institutionalization of the war of elimination, occupation, and resettlement by the alien of the north called the (Neftagnas-Settler- gun carrier brigands) committed genocide.

Millions of the Oromos were massacred, evicted from their ancestral soil, the survivers was forced to assimilation or chooped their hands and leges and women brustes by employed and deployed killer armed brigands through his colonial expansion and aggrandizement policy. As result, the southern people were conquered, occupied and incorporated to one of the poorest barbaric, dependent, colonial empire surrounding by the Brtish, France, and Italian colonies in the horn of Africa.

The Habeshas; the aliens of the north have inherited their genes, from Ezana where the DNA trace of colonial expansion and aggrandizement policy, the elimination policies of the Oromo people from their ancestral soil primarily and resettling by the northern aleins the (Tigreans and Amharas) and their attempts to wipe out the rest; the whole south if they can for centuries and continues to the present. Right now, it is crystal clear than at has ever been in the history of the predatory dependent Abyssinian empire.

The tyrannic TPLF-Regime lead by Meles Zenawi’s was catapulted into power in 1991, under the auspices of the USA and ruled with an iron fist hitherto. After consolidating power by employing and deploying Stalin of USSR style, for which he was known, He further established and institutionalized “State” terrorism per se continued the elimination policies of his predecessors. He legalized a policy of genocidal acts manifesto that targeted the Oromo people from all social life primarily published in November 1996 analogy to Hitlers Nazi Germany’s manifesto to wipe out the Jews people primarily from his “Reich” and then from Europe and finally from this planet. https://oromolands.blogspot.com

Right after the tyrannical regimes grap the political power, they designed, planned, and systematically execute the acts of regime or “state” sponsored terrorism. They mobilize all resources under their control; such as military, security, finance, techniques of repressions, mass media, etc. The armed forces served as the major insurance and the backbone of the tyrannical regime that operates from the top of the pyramid to the bottom, the last layer to maintain the political hegemony in both national and global sphere and to achieve their planned ultimate goal of exploitation and self-enrichment.

The TPLF tyrant clan purposively, calculated and employed someone of their own ethnicity (the Tigreans) puppets from the other ethnicity suitable shareholders of mutual interests of exploitation of resources and plundering within the territory they control and resources that come in from abroad or sent abroad. The clan hired posts to the loyal Avan-guards bounded to the leader personally and established an institutions and policies that became a gang of thugs of the targeted southern people in the whole empire. Out of sixty-four top military posts of a leader called “Generals,” about fifty of them belongs to the TPLF clans. As TPLF meant Tigre people: the northern tips of the empire, their population statistics make less than 6 % if one trusts their untrusted statistic in all spheres of societal statistics from the approximate estimates of about 100 million people incarcerated in this prison house called “Ethiopia.”

With an absolute monopoly of the military post, the military so called Generals become the power wielder, an employer, and deployer of special killer troops called Agazi and Leyu police (trained killer squadron). The rest fourteen Generals listed in the TPLF post are those who worths for nothing independent of their ethnicity. They are there to serve as bridges, translators, in other words, the GPS of the reckless settler and invaders to bring them to the last corner of the empire for which the alien of the north are virtually strangers.The fourteen underdog generals awards were given measured to their degree of loyalty to the regime and the atrocities like mass murders, mass arrests, torture evictions, rapes, looting etc, that is what they trained for and enshrined in the regime’s system, “states” policies and frequently exercised and committed as it was  ordered.

In the year 2007, the continuations the act of genocide targeted the autochthonous people of the whole south incarcerated in this prison house and eviction policies from their ancestral soil declaration of the TPLF-tyrant regimes was published reads:

“Ethiopia is endowed with natural resources suitable for bio-development. In this regard, at [the] national level, an estimated 23.3 million ha suitable land is available for development of bio-diesel. Regionally, the available land in million ha is: Oromia 17.2, Benishangul-Gumuz 3.1, Gambella 2.8, Somali 1.5, Amhara 1, Southern Nations Nationalities 0.05, Tigray 0.007. Statistical information for Afar and Harer is not available. It should be noted that there is information gap in some of the regions; nevertheless, the potential is expected to be higher than the available.”

The figures listed above does not include lands grabbed for Maize, Rice, Roses, etc., plantations by evicting the indigenous people from their ancestral soil, and leased for less than 10$USA per hectare for hundred years to the greedy, dead moral and ethic-less, so-called “international investors,”, in defacto they are monsters, scramblers, and invaders who profit blinded their eyes, Raush (Intoxicated/ hallucinated) their minds. These enterprises and their home States are the major the insurances in all forms and the protectorate of the major dictatorial and tyrannical regimes in the African content who clad in democracy, security, development garbs. But the facts on the soil speaks diametrically the opposite is true.

When the TPLF/EPRDF tyrants orders indiscriminate killings, tortures, rapes, loots, conducts gruesome sub-human act, of Oromos, evicted millions of arrests en masse, packed in the concentration camps (CC) like Sardines in Qaalitti, Qiilinxo, Ziway, etc, analog to (Buchen Walds, Aushwitz, Dachu of Nazis CC (Konzentrationslanger (KZ)), or Stalin’s GLAG,  the tyrants were and are not called Hitler, Mussolini or Stalin by the so called, the “civilized political West,” the main donors of the tyrant regimes. They rather paid visits, acknowledged them, extended loans and credits visa, open door for money laundering, offshore banking, provided modern war machines, material, trainers (Killer-train-Killers) techniques of physical and psychological violence. They recognized them, call them: “good Man with whom we can make business! Partner, you did a good job! We will secure your credits and loans. They boostes the psychic of the tyrants to proceed with the atrocities of elimination policies of targeted people and the commission of silent genocide: a hidden crime against humanity from the majority of the people in the world. These are undeniable evidential facts on the soil documented by sacred human right NGOs like AI report: Because I am Oromo,  Genocide Watchs, HRW and various human right advocates, institutions and torture survivers from priosns, more precisely concentration camps of the prsion house.

when it comes to Africa, they do not consider them tyrants rather they protect forfeiture property and storage and more prominently,  when it comes to the impoverished empire of the Abyssinia: The loyal client per se: after all the TPLF tyrants of today in Finfinne and the Liberator of yesterday in Tiger desert grap the political and military power by the help and selection of the Westerners that suit their own plan. Horand Knaup and Juline wrote the New Colonialism Foreign Investors Snap Up African Farmland. Africa: the last frontier for finding alpha.” The word alpha signifies an investment for which the return is greater than the risk. Africa is alpha country.”

Furthermore, they maintained major bottleneck to the global community to prevent the act of genocides and ethnocides before the tyrants, dictators and authoritarian regimes go too far. They remain a bottleneck to justice to prevail, vetoing against the commitment of the international community to its promise to the convention based on the Charter of The Nürneberg Tribunal and Resolution 96 (1), The Crime of Genocide and Punishment under International Law, which was unanimously signed, to bring the criminal leaders of the genocide and ethnocide and theirs collaborates to the global criminal courts to be punished accordingly.

We wonder and appreciate if we may know, how many Oromo blood and tears must be spilled to fulfill your requirement to consider it a genocide per se, if at all you have one, and to consider, a tyrant regime as a criminal to be brought to justice. You were telling us A true democrate do not afraid of Justice, the basic credo of human and humanity and have no doubt to call a tyrant is a tryant independent of time and place. Right, Now genocide is going on day in ady out from Shagar, the umbilical cord of the Oromo people and the capital city of Oromia at the time the tyrants of TPLF/EPRDF decleared state of Emergernce and waged war of eliminations, conducting genocide and state sponsered terrorism aganist Oromos and alikes on thier ansectoral soil.

The post The TPLF Tyrant Regime of Terror-Horror & Genocide in the Horn of Africa appeared first on Bilisummaa.

Jechoota kana sababa malee miti kan dhimma itti bahe. Maaliif jedhamuun hin oolamu. Deebiin gabaabaadha. Namni of hin fakkaatne nama biraa fakkaachuu hin danda’u. Namni of hin qeeqne nama biraa qeequu hin danda’u. Haalli yeroo ammaa murna yartuun dhimma qabsoo sabaa irratti hundaawamee odeeffamu maal akka fakkaatu kan hin hordofin malee kan hordofee fi quba qabu akka gaaritti beeka.

Namootni qabsoo sabaa irratti namoota bara dheeraaf rakkatan ta’e jedhanii itti bobba’anii maqaa balleessan of fakkaataniiti malee nama biraa fakkaatanii waa jechuu akka hin dandeenye kan hubatan natti hin fakkaatne. Dhimma qabsoo irratti yaada fedhe kennachuu kan danda’u guyyaa tokkoofis yoo ta’e nama itti ifaajee beeku ta’uu qaba. Waldhaansoon namootni dhimma qabsoo hin beekne qabsaawotaan qabuu fedhan tolaaf osoo hin taane lola barbaadaniiti. Oromoon har’a nama waliin lolu hin beekne, kan obboleessa isaan ololuuf dheekkamu yoo jiraate doofaa diinaan ergame qofa.

Gootummaan bakka itti of ilaalan qabdi. Diinni gootummaan dura dhaabbatan lafa guutee osoo jiruiu jagnummaan qabsaawota sabaa irratti argisiifatuuf lafa dhiitan wallaalummadha. Namoonni face book fi paltalk irratti yaa’anii waan ummata Oromoo walitti hammeessu facaasani eenyuun akka fakkaatan beekuun nama hin dhibu. Ilmaan Mallas waan inni barsiisee itti bobbaase raawwatu. Hojii fi haasofni isaaniillee kan abbaa isaanii irraa adda ta’uu hin danda’u. Oromoon Oromoo arrabsuun xiqqeessu hin jiru. Badiin jiraatu sirreessuu irratti duula bahee qajeelcha malee afaan nyaaphaa ta’ee waan nyaaphni dhala Oromoo irratti raawatu raawwatuun eenyu akka ta’an namatti hima.

Wayyaaneen ABOn goolessaadha, Dhiphoodha, Oromoo malee saboota biroo akka diinaatti ilaala, biyya diigee kan Oromoo hin ta’in fixuuf qabsaawa. Ummata isaatuu dhaaba fixee lafaa dhabamsiisuuf jiraatu jechuudhaan doohii gara garaa hojjattee bara bulchiinsa isii kana guutuu keessatti ummata biratti jibbisiisuuf waan hin godhin hin qabdu. Dhugaan dhara, dharti dhugaa ta’uu hin dandeettu. Tattaaffiin isii cufti gaafa fashalu OPDOn gaafa hooqamte ABOdha jedhutti kaate. Suuta suutaan Oromoon cufti shoorarkeessaadha jechuudhaan balaa daangaa hin qabne ummata meesha maleessa irratti geesite. Kun hundi ta’ee osoo jiru har’a diina kaayyoo guddicha lafa kaa’anii sababni hoggana ABO reebaniif maaliif? gaaffii jedhuuf deebiin namootni waan kana raawwachaa jiran warra wayyaanee harma hodhanii fi dhiiga Oromummaa hin qabne qofa akka ta’an ifatti mul’atu.

Qajeelfama wayyaanee qabatanii hooggana ABO irratti bobba’uun kaayyoo fi akeeka TPLF duudhaa itti godhuuf akka ta’e hubatamuu qaba. Sabaan nama du’e ragaaf qabata. Salphataan nama salphisuuf tattaafata. Fakkeessuun garuu mirkaneessuu miti.Ololli baay’ate dhugaa fakkaachuu danda’a. Dhugaa ta’uu garuu hin danda’u. Dhimma keessa hin beekne irraa waa dubbachuun dhala namaa biratti silaa qaanyii guddaadha. Rabbii fi nama birattis maqa balleessii jibbamaa nama irratti oofuun galgalli isaa maal akka ta’e namni hin beekne hin jiru. Farreenii fi diina du’aaf gagabe deebi’ee ni jiraaraa fi abdachuu fi sodaachuunis dammaqiinsa dhaba. Wayyaanee afaan boollaa irra jirtu boollatti darbanii biyyee irra gara galchuu dhiisanii Oromotti duuluu maaltu arge?

Namni abbaa loluun, abaaru, balaaleffatu, jibbuu fi jibisiisu hin beekne ofii hin beeku. Namni of hin beekne waa nama beeksisa jedhee lallabuun ammoo doofummaa ofii gabayaa baasuudha. Mi’a nama irraa hin gurgramne namni gabayaa baasee irra dhaabbatu hin jiru. Ololli yeroo ammaa ABO maqaa balleessuuf halkanii guyyaa hafarfamu cuftuu shaqata yeroon irra dabre. Kan bitatuu mitii kan mil’atuu hin jiru. Ummatni Oromoo asii achi eenyuunuun hin gowwoomfamu. Waan dhugaa ta’ee fi hin ta’in tolchee beeaka. Qaroo sobuun gadoo dabalachuudha. Kanaaf namootni akka dhuunfaa fi murnaattis yeroo gamataan diina keenya irratti bobbaanu kana keessatti garaa garummaa hin barbaachifne uumuudhaan umrii gabroomsaa ummata keenya irratti dheeressuu barbaaddan gocha fokkataa kana irraa osoo of qusattanii irra isiniif wayya jedha.

Ummatni Oromoo bifa walii galaan dhaabni isaa ABO akka ta’e dhalattuun ganna 2 waan haasoftu dhagahuu hin ooltan. Hoogganni ABOs haa laafuu haa jabaatuu dhala Oromooti. Kan laafe jabeeffachuun kan jabaate daran jabeeffachuun mirgaa fi dirqama saba Oromooti. Haa dhaa fi abbaadhaan ilma keessan jibbaa ajjeessaa/moggeessaa firri jedhee ilma irratti warra isaa gorsu hin jiru. Osoo garseelee warruu irraa hin fudhatu. Kanaaf kun hubatamuu qaba. Fira mufate tahan karaa ittiin araaraman barbaadachuudha malee karaa ittiin obboleessa ofii dhabamsiisan irratti hin bobba’amu.

ABOn 1,2,3 miti. ABO tokkicha. Hoogganni isaas akkasuma tokkicha. ABO moofaa, haaraya, qajeelaa, dabaa, tarkaanfataa, harkifataa jechuun maqaa hin jirre qabatanii ceehuun gowwummaadha. Bakka dhugaan jirtu Rabbii fi ummatni Oromoo bal’aanis ni beeka. Dhugaa ukkaamsanii dhara ol kaasuuf halkanii guyyaa boqonnaa dhabuun gochaa diigamsaa raawwachuun ammoo boru itti gaafatama seenaa jalaa nama hin baasu. Ol barartee, gadi barartes allaatii buuti lafa, duuti lafa akkuma jedhamu olola fedhan dhaaba kana irratti oofanillee ABOn ABOdhuma.

Wayyaaneen dhala Oromoo hojjachiifachaa baate cufaa akka inni itti waa diiguu fi saba diigu qofa barsiifte malee akka inni of ijaaruu fi saba isaa ijaaru tasumaa hin barsiifne. Namni waan baratee ittii hojjataa muuxeffata hojjata waan ta’eef bakka gahe hundatti dandeettiin isaa kan ittiin madaalamu waa diiguudha. Warra ogummaa kana diina irraa horatanii qaphxii ol aanaan eebifamanii bahan ijaarsaaf abdachuun kajeeluun fayyaalummaadha. Ragaan hara’a ummatni keenya osoo OPDOn jirtu dhumaa jira, lafa isaa irraa buqqifamaa jiira. Ummata keenya fixuu fi lafa isaa irraa buqqaasuu duubaan silaa jiraachuu baattee qaata dirmattee wanti bahe adda baha ture.

Ummata dhumaa jiru, lafa dhabaa jiru dhiistee waa’ee qarsii, misoomaa, dhimma hoji dhabdummaa hennaa odeessitu dhagahamti. Lafa hin jirre, ummata hin jirre irratti miseemaa fi guddiin haasawamu dhiiroo kan gosa kamiitii? Of diiguu fi ummata diiguu irratti ogummaa ol aanaa wayyaanee irraa waan horataniif muuyxannoo qabaniin ummata keenya fixuu fi ficcisiisiisuu, lachee irraa saamuu fi saamsisiisuu itti fafanii jiru. Diqaalotni Mallas kan biyya keessaa fi alaas hojiin isaanii walitti hidhataa waan ta’eef ummatni Oromoo namoota akkasii kanaaf gurra laachuu/beekkomsa kennuufii hin qabu.

Waldhaansoon doohaa lolaati. Weerarri lafaa quba qabeenya Wayyaanee fi funya buta OPDOn Somoolotni har’a ummata keenya banan kun isaanis marroo isaanii ummata Oromoo gabrooffachuuf akka danda’anii fi hin dandeenye irratti of ilaaluufiidha. Mammaaksi duudhaa dubbiiti. Akeekaa fi kaayyoo Wayyaanee kana jabeessanii yoo qabachuu fi hojjitti hiikuu baatan gocha hamaa duraan ummata keenya irratti raawataniifuu itti gaafatamuun isaanii akka hin hafne waan beekaniif fe’aa Wayyaaneen ummata keenya irratti fe’atte sirritti irratti duudhachuu qabna jechuudhaan gocha hammeenyaa kana raawwachaa jiru. Kanaaf Somaalotnis ilmaan wayyaanee waan ta’aniif jabbileen biifa kormaatii, Wayyaanee gaggaba seensa du’aa irra geettee jirtu tana baffachiisftee jireessuuf boqonnaa malee duula wal irraa hin citne ummata keenya irratti banuun beekkamaadha. Kun hundi hudhaa Ummatni Oromoo hudhee harkaa isii qabu of irraa fursiiisuuf jecha mala wayyaaneen ta’e jettee uummateedha.

Kanas ta’ee kan biraa haala ummatni keenya diina fuula hundaa itti jiruun hudhamee qabamee dhidhiitaa jiru kana keessatti Oromoon Oromotti duula banuun fayyaa miti. Fayyaa qabaatu haa dhaabbatu fayyaa qabaachuu baatu haa itti fufu. Ummatni keenya eenyummaa namoota akkasii gochaa akkasii sana itti fufuu fi irraa dhaabbachuu isaaniitiin irra deebi’ee adda akka baafatu abdiin qaba.

Oromoon tokko, Oromiyaan takka. ABOn tokko, Hooggannis tokko. Yaadni kun yaada ummata Oromoo walii-galaati jedheen amana.Qixxeessaa Lammii Irraa

The post Waldhaansoon doohaa lolaati, Mammaaksi duudhaa dubbiiti, Jabbileen biifa kormaati, Gaggabni seensa du’aati. appeared first on Bilisummaa.

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Utuu dhugaatti namoonni biyya hambaa kana keessa jiraannu kun Oromummaaf, saba cunqurfamaaf, haadha hiyyeessaa du’aa jirtuuf, hayyuu dukkana keessatti Wayyaaneen dhidhiitamaa jiruuf, qotee bulaa keenyaa harka qullaa dhumaa jiruuf, lafa keenyaa fudhatamaa jiruuf, eenyummaa keenyaa dhabamaa jiruuf….dhukkubsanna/qabsoofna/dubbannaaf/dhaabbannaaf ta’eeti:

1. Miidiyaaleen Oromoo biyya ambaa kana keessaatti akka warshaa wal hin horu (Silaa caasaa tokko jalatti ijaaramee, iftoomina qabaatee, sabaafi waliif amanamee, uummataan filatamee ijaaramee ‘satilaayitii sa’a 24 qofa bitachuudhaan achirratti qophiiwwan garaagaraa kumaa ol torbanitti hojjechuun dheebuu sabaa baasuun hindanda’ama….qabeenyiifi humni biraan miidiyaalee biro ijaaruutti dhumu humna siyaasaafi loltuu jabaa Oromoon ittiin diinasaa faccifatu tokko ittiin tumsuufi ijaaruun danda’ama ture.

2. Walgahiin gurguddaan kaan GGO kaan ammoo OLC jechuudhaan (Minesotaafi DC) tti nuwaamuudhaan humna, maallaqa, beekumsaafi yeroo Oromoon qabu mara qisaasessuun anatu caalaa jechuudhaan hindorgomamuuyyuu ture;…walitti dhufameetu mana/utubaa tokko jalatti ijaarameetu walduraafi duubaan waldhagahee iddoo walii kennuun humna qisaasa’uufi maallaqa qisaasa’u sana mara dhimmoota Oromoo jajjabdudhaf oolfamee bilisummaan sabaa dafee saffisuun sabni bara dheeraaf dhiitame kun ifa arga ture,

3. Jaarmiyaaleen siyaasaa amma maqaa ‘’O’’ jedhu ofitti maxa’etee iddoo kudhanitti wal horee, ganda/naannoo, amantiifi ilaalchaan walqoqqoodee utuu hinbaa’yatiin mana/dawoo tokko jalatti ijaaramee ooggansa amanamaafi humna guddaa qabu tokko ijaaree waliin socho’uun hawaasa addunyaa duratti dhageettii qabaatee uummata Oromoo qabsoo cinaa hiriiruu barbaadu marallee of jalatti dabalatee silaa humna tokkoon tulluu garbummaa kana saffisaan iddoodhaa kaasa ture,…gargaarsa dabalaataafis mana habashootaatti galuunuu hinbarbaachisus ture.
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ammamee kan dhalataan biyya keessaa garaasaa qooqqifatee utuu falamtuu soora allaattiifi rirmaa ta’aa jiru kun gara tokkummaatti nama hinfinne ergamaa/maleekaa maaliitu waaqaa bu’ee saba keenyaa kana humna tokkummaatti deebisee fuulduratti nama deemsisa laata? Oromoo taanee dhalachuu keenyaan hammuma boonaa turre, gargarba’uu kana arguun garuu……
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yaa uumaa yookaan tokko nugodhi/yookaan hunda kenyaa fixi!!

The post OROMOO…./Oromoo…./OROMOO. appeared first on Bilisummaa.

Jawar Mohammed, an influential Oromo activist charged with terrorism by the Ethiopian prosecutor has mocked the charges of treason and terrorism.

He described the ruling Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) in a tweet that said, ‘‘TPLF has finally put on its honor roll by charging me at its kangaroo court. The charge is said to include treason and terrorism.’‘

Mohammed, who is the Executive Director of Oromia Media Network, was on Thursday charged along with the leader of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), Dr Merera Gudina and Dr Berhanu Nega – leader of the opposition Patriotic G7.

TPLF has finally put on its honor roll by charging me at its kangaroo court. The charge is said to include treason and terrorism.

The charge for Mohammed was largely based on the fact that his outlet had served as a conduit through which the OFC and Patriotic G7 had fuelled wide spreading protests in the Amhara and Oromia regions of the country. The two groups are banned by the country’s parliament.

His charge comes despite being at his base in Minneapolis, Minnesota in the US. All three accused are said to be involved in “creating pressure against the government, threatening society through the means of violence” and attempting to “disrupt constitutional order.”

The Oromia Media Network (OMN) which he heads describes itself as ‘‘an independent, nonpartisan and nonprofit news enterprise whose mission is to produce original and citizen-driven reporting on Oromia, the largest and most populous state in Ethiopia.’‘

According to its website, the necessity to establish such an outlet was because of the totalitarian state control over print and electronic media in the country. It says the state’s suppression of independent media continued to adversely affect people of Oromo whose population is around 40 million.

Under Ethiopia’s current state of emergency rules, there are some media channels that have been banned by the government. There is restriction on social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter, which are seen as the driving force behind calls for protests which have often been met by heavy security clampdown.

He however sounded a warning to the government in a later tweet that the people of Oromo will soon rise against the ‘‘mercenary paramilitary force.’‘

The post Ethiopia: Top Oromo activist ‘mocks’ terrorism charges of ‘kangaroo court’ appeared first on Bilisummaa.

DUBBII FI ABBAA DUBBII EESSA JALAA HOFFOLAN?

Abbaan dubbii nu rakkisee maal nuuf eayya? Dhiyaa barii dubbimaan nutti deema. Dubbii isaa dhangaggaayaa sobaa sana kijiba afuufuu hafarsuu hafarsiisuu. Dubbiin nama unkuruu, jeequu!

Sila abbaa dubbii kana biyyuma kamitti jalaa baqanna. Xiyyaara yaabbannee galaanota qaxxaamurree jalaa baanaa, osoo hin ta’iniitii duunee illee dubbii dhiisuu! Dubbii kijibaa isaa haa afuufuu nu homaa hin taanuu!! Eessa? Yoom? Fi Haala kamiin jalaa ceenaa abbaan dubbii ni fooyyaya jennee osoo eegnu fidee!! Afaan faajjii haasayaa oolaa! Kijibaaan dhugaa haguuguuf tattaafataa! Kijibni kuma tokkoo dhugaa takkattii woy ta’aafii? Dhugaa dhoksuuf tattaafata! Odumaaf Kasaaraa! Garuu soba isaa dura dhaabbanna dhugaa qabnuun yoomillee, eessattllee, haala kamiinillee!! Dhugaan hin qallatti malee cittu jedha Oromoon mammaakee!!

“Abbaan dubraa nutti hafee kabbarteen

Warri abbaa qabeennaa nu cunqursuu jalqabdee

Lakkaa abbaa dubraa kana nurraa kaasaa

Afaan birri nutti banaa xaasaa”

Jedhee Oromoon Dhiichisellee Yeroo Ammaa!!

***  

Obsi Namoota Cimoof Qorsa Yoo Tahu; Namoota Laafoof Ammoo Summiidha

Obsi  jiruu fi jireenya kamuu keessatti baayyee barbaachisaadha. Obi laafinaa fi jabina amaloota namoota  ibsan keessaa dursa qaba. Obsa qabaachuun buleessa umrii dheeraa si taasisa.  Obsa yoo hin qabaannee kaayyaa keenna dheeraan qabannes tahee gabaabaan galma hin gahu. Obsi furtuu injifannooti. Namoonni gariin waan salphaatti abdii kutatanii jiruu fi jireenya isaanii dukkaneessan kaayyoo isaaniis karatti hambisani. Garuu haga kaayyoon keenna sirrii ta’etti abdii kutachuu hin qabnu. Kallatti galma keenna san ittiin geennu jijijjiiruun barbaachisaadha. 1. 2. 3  itti fufa jechaatuma galma kaane dheeraa geenna. Xiqqoma irraa jalqabnee jabeessaa jabeessaa bakka kaaneef geenna. Obsi muxannoo guddaa siif kenna. Muxannoo keenna kanas sirritti tolchinee yaadachuu qabna. Muxannoon keennaa hardhas borus nu gargaara. Kanaaf obsaan muxannoo horatan suutuma suutaan hojitti hiikuun barbaachisaadha. Obsi hadhooftuudha ima unachuudha dhumarratti garuu baayyee mi’ooftuudha. Namni rakkoo baayyee yoo arge booda obsa bara. Obsi beekumsa, dandeettii fi fedhii namaa gabbisa;beekumsi, dandeettiin akkasumas fedhiin namaa yoo gabbate hojii hojjatan injifannoott I ceesisa.

Mammaaksa Oromoo Obsaan Wal Qabatan:-

1. Obsaan Aaannan goromsaa dhuga jedha mitii ree!!
2. Obsaan Worroomanii
3. Dubbii baruun duratti obsa bari

Kkf.

The post JECHOOTA GAMNAA KUTAA 9FFAA appeared first on Bilisummaa.

Seriousness of the Oromo in demanding for their independence has started to be felt by all that have interest in and hatred for independent Oromiyaa. As a result, scared internal and external forces are rushing to extinguish the fire of freedom. For them independent Oromiyaa means losing the opportunity to, plunder more, cheap and productive labor force as well as their best fighting machine. Against all odds Oromo revolution has raised political awareness of the colonized people to a level of no return to slumber. The colonizer for a long time had denied existence of Oromo resistance. Darg, the government that replaced the emperor ended without mentioning OLF by name. Wayyaanee had no choice but to accept Oromo national question and subverting it on implementation when possible. Oromo movement that was started by youth of that revolutionary generation has continued with more vigor and commitment. The enemy has also renewed its genocidal campaign using hired hands from inside but is unable to put brake on it. To leave in peace without fear or threat, Oromiyaa needs to be independent. Now, no Ethiopianist hoodwinking and collaboration or cacophony of the adversary and saboteurs can stop the new generation’s march to become free.

The days of old Nafxanyaa system are gone never to return. Monopoly over gun by the new adversary is a temporary matter. Therefore for those that have nostalgia for colonial system and those that were collaborating from lack of self-confidence or from xenophobia, time is against them because they are now living in a world that favors free and productive peoples not parasites. A system that brings occupation to an end is going to replace the hitherto existing archaic one. The right of the Oromo to national self-determination up to and including independence is not negotiable. No party, group or individual from Oromiyaa has the right to take national interest to a bargaining table. It is only free Oromiyaa that can receive those that are willing to be partners in negotiation of any sort, including how to live as good African neighbors. The bottom line for it is mutual respect for each other’s rights and interests. They are only free people that can make such choices. Therefore the ensuing clash will be between those that want independence and those that want to remain under modified colonial rule and their colonial allies, unless differences are fixed in time.

Another point to be realized is that it is only the Oromo that can decide what is good for them. No messing up in others affairs by chauvinists and the bully can anymore be tolerated. Oromiyaa being colony decolonization takes president over all options and promises. For Oromo individuals, if they wish so, it is their right to unite with the colonizer. But they cannot be equally loyal to Oromiyaa and Ethiopia at the same time; they have to choose side. They will not be unique in forming union with an adversary. To cite an African example, there were Eritreans that fought for union with Ethiopia when others chose independence and took to the mountains at last. They had even office in the Piazza of Finfinnee until 1962. One was legally registered with Ethiopian government and the other was registered in their people’s hearts.

As one famous anecdote goes, there were Eritreans, some unionist and others not. The unionists were packing to leave for Shaggar in fulfilling the slogan “Itophiyaa wayika’aa moot” (Ethiopia or death). The non-unionists tried to cajole the others to change their minds but in vain. Then they bade them farewell with a remark “Go, you will get both Ethiopia and death!” As predicted most were humiliated or tortured and eliminated in the hands of Ethiopians under false allegations. But those that chose independence came back with victory. All that run away to Ethiopia from own nation had met the same end before they could change their minds. Nobody is immune from the same fate. Not even great Goobana Daaccee.

The Oromo have at present a problem of separating the unionist from the independence camp. Even OPDO is trying to be nationalist when it was made to be unionist and collaborator. Oromo “unionists” and collaborators are vocalists and manipulators. They can camouflage under every shade. They have slowed down progress of the struggle but failed to win the hearts of the silent majority that is craving for independence. Collaborators have no honor to protect as a result they are seen passing in silence when Oromo people’s identity and honor are attacked by agents of their buddies.

Some Oromo politicians are not capable of originating political ideas. For that reason, they are relentlessly working on hijacking the mainstream struggle and changing the course. As a result, the anticolonial struggle got vulnerable to sabotage by infiltrators and opportunists. Oromo youth since the sixties have not come sacrificing for servitude but “walabummaa” (independence). These days the word “walabummaa” is seen being taken out of most Oromo discourses. For some it is safe and tactically expedient to avoid. But tactics without declared strategy are empty words. A fight for independence demands taking risks safety is not the priority. When walabummaa is the strategy tactics can be drawn only if one has strong and effective Oromo rear. What worries many is “political correctness”; not expressing an idea that their mentors do not approve. Still for others it is personal lack of conviction to be free.

Those that work for walabummaa can draw various tactics without compromising the National Kaayyoo assuming they have disciplined organization and grassroots support. Those that clandestinely work for union with the colonizers should not talk about it being tactics for liberation. Movements shrouded in secrets and not transparent to the nation can be source of great political debacle. In Oromo tradition selfishness and showiness are not admirable qualities. Those that have such qualities will find excuses to circumvent national ethical standards for their own self glory. If that is not achievable in national context they will have no shame to accept offer from the enemy, which they start praising as good friend. They believe they can fool their people; but the silent majority is not foolish but tolerant.

The struggle has now become for two end goals; independent Oromiyaa and democratic Ethiopia. One is either in the first or the second, there is no middle way. To reach both has a process that must be clear from the very beginning. Democratizing Ethiopia does not need to be Oromo. Its advocates had already accepted their Ethiopian identity. It had been tried and failed before. Since it has come back the struggle as then becomes between Ethiopianists and Oromiyaans. There are also dropouts now as then. Oromiyaan struggle and betrayals did not start this century or this decade. It is a continuous process from previous era. The struggle has come growing and sharpening adding more elements, determination, commitment and knowhow and its good will is indivisible. There are those with personal issues that want to disconnect the present from the past. Despite that, this generation continues to march under the Kaayyoo and the banner which millions of heroines and heroes have fallen with. The role of Oromo quislings in the occupation and oppression of Oromiyaa will not be forgotten. That is the defect continuing to haunt the Oromo unless fixed.

Oromo political struggle started as a unified entity. Much time, energy, wealth and life have been paid to keep it undivided. But, helped by external forces, the forces of disunity are getting successful in weakening and dividing it. It now requires new attention from Oromo revolutionaries. Committed political leadership is indispensable to defeat and dismantle the occupation fortress. The tactics of the enemies are getting clearer by the day. Their strength and weakness are transparent. Their plateau top fortresses are broken and become open market places and they have nowhere to hide. Whether they like it or not, the indigenous shall be the sovereign over them. Urban residents as citizens of Oromiyaa will enjoy better privileges and assurance than when they were under Habashaa colonial rule. Towns, being part of their country Oromo will not vandalize them. Do they choose autocracy over democracy?

The strengths of the enemy, if one can call them strengths, are mobilizing the most shameless, shallow, opportunistic good for nothing persons from all part of the empire and smear the good name and stand of the Oromo people publicly. They are waging a psychological war to demoralize and dehumanize the Oromo with gossips and words from malicious bootlicking intellectuals. As the saying goes empty vessels make the most noise. In all other aspects they are weak unless they get help from beyond the oceans. Without that they know they are never match for the Oromo. But even that will not be their monopoly anymore. The Oromo have survived despite greater campaigns and attacks by immense fire power and “Asmat” (voodoo) by renowned dabtaraas for over a hundred years; their morale cannot be broken by present day ignorant riffraff.

The struggle for emancipation of the nation has to get off the ground by concerted efforts of those that stand for liberation. It is only them that can save the nation by bringing back the lost rights, sovereignty, and national honor. Boundless magnanimity and selflessness from leaders are required to mobilize patriots. On the other hand unionists have ceased the anticolonial struggle. Now they are working hard to bring about a transitional Ethiopian government in which they will have seats and share in colonial power and plunder. In all the commotion of the diaspora from Ethiopian empire this objective is clearly visible. All meetings under Habashaa name, Oromo or other name and wriggling of TPLF agents are all about how to sabotage national struggles and form transitional administration for Empire Ethiopia. Their leaders are bunch of losers that are waiting to take advantage of sacrifices made by Oromo youth. That was what all the hullabaloos of Ethiopianists were about.

Oppressed peoples like the Oromo are fighting for their right of national self-determination up to and including independence. They are not interested in harming legitimate interest or rights of others. Genuine revolutionaries are not against Oromo nationals forming different organizations; but insist on tolerance and understanding for each other. All should not necessarily gather under one organization but have coordination of efforts. Let all go their way if it could really take them anywhere. When we talk of Oromo ones heart automatically goes to Oromo in Oromiyaa. But now good numbers of Oromo are found in the diaspora. Most have taken citizenship of a country in which they got asylum. They are forming families and producing children. Not only as source of material and intellectual support for Oromiyaa but they must also be considered as kin that need to take care of themselves as well.

From the first African migrants it is easy to learn what identity crisis could mean. Many of those are now trying to trace their roots for psychological and historical satisfaction. They are human beings that historical accident brought them to foreign land to live under dire conditions. They have participated in building the country in which they found themselves and contributed in blood, sweat and knowledge. But still they are being looked down upon by those that reached there first. Most present day Oromo in diaspora may have no problem of knowing their roots. But concerted action is needed to pass it to following generations. Therefore building strong union of world Oromo community can be one of the solutions. Formation of North America Oromo community was taken as step towards the right direction. But when this lesser task did not materialize how could one trust if a bigger difficult task can be successful?

Every activity in diaspora is carried out according to the law of the land where they are registered. That makes them legitimate, responsible and accountable to members and foreign governments. Therefore community based social organization is preferable and is reliable than multi-organizational gatherings. In particular to include political organizations in such formation is inviting partisan bickering that had been fracturing Oromo political struggle to this day. Membership to community organizations is based on individuals that present themselves for social relations. For this reason it is easier to keep community organizations neutral and common to all nationals irrespective of political affiliation, region or creed. Its mission and vision should cover what could be done not what should be done. Though there could be overlaps, division of functions between political and social organization have to be defined. Individuals are expected to leave their other organizational jackets at the door of community organizations. All Oromo conference that includes organizations and individuals can be conducted on ad hoc basis to discuss on state of Oromummaa and other matters concerning the nation. Its resolution could be implemented by organized participants. This should be a conference called by consensus of elites not by groups or individuals that try to outwit the other for whatever reason.

Oromo of all walks of life and in all geographical areas are still searching for the best way to get answer to the Oromo question. Movements like Oromo conferences or conventions, group meetings and seminars are being organized by activists, religious and civic societies. Brainstorming is going on in all corners. If the outcomes were not predetermined something good could come out of them. Strong independent political organization is needed to make use of the results. Social conferences could help in pointing out what caused the paralysis in Oromo independence movement? With this opportunity they can also suggest common ethical standards (Safuu) for Oromo interactions. All economic and social activities have to contribute to political empowerment of the nation not further weaken its already staggering political movements.

The present generation is the inheritors of principles of Gadaa ethical code or Safuu. They have to revise, develop and live by it. Let us hope the social movements, with patience and tolerance towards each other will bring forth fruitful output. If they are successful they can maintain cohesion among Oromo diaspora and help strengthen Oromummaa outside Oromiyaa and act as its external voice. In the struggle to be free, if all practicing different faiths, political orientations and professions act together, they can hasten Oromo liberation. But forming different conferences or conventions without absolute need for it is ridiculous. It indicates that there are defects in human relations and contributes only to wasting Oromo meager resources. All those that sincerely feel responsibility for the people and show concern for survival of the nation have to critically evaluate their actions; and do the right and honorable thing before divisions created between groups and individuals go deeper to divide members of the nation in the diaspora.

This semester, two Oromo gatherings are scheduled to take place in US. Allegations have already started circulating; supporters of one accusing the other as being sponsored by bodies that have no good name among the Oromo public. The allegation could be true or it emanates from lack of goal transparency or there is clash of personalities. It would have been preferable if they could merge their projects. Short of that it is good if all concentrate on their own schedule only and try to cool down their fans and leave to the results to prove them. They must know that bickering between groups could result in jeopardizing national harmony. So far, many such engagements had contributed in the weakening of Oromiyaa independence movement. It had fractured the diaspora into region, religion and age groups. In some cases it was purposely done by those that had alien mission to execute. Let us hope that these ones do not deserve the same label. This writer is commenting with the assumption that activists in both groups are dedicated to the liberation of Oromiyaa; he may be wrong. If that is not true there is no reason why many of us who stand for national Kaayyoo bother with bunches of Ethiopianists in Oromo clock? We have fought the original enemy and we can fight any that question our rights to independence. Let Waaq forbid, his assumption being proved wrong. As free people there will be no reason to bit around the bush than declaring one’s true intentions.

As for liberation of Oromiyaa, nothing short of strong disciplined political organization or solidarity and selfless leadership can drive it to the finish. Therefore Oromo politicians have to start thinking how to cleanse their mind from any consideration other than carryout duties and responsibilities incumbent on them. If any group could contribute towards this in good faith it is welcome. All who really want Oromo to be one among free peoples of Africa should be able to shelf their differences, suppress their egos and set an interim distance they can cover together. Formation of independent republic Oromiyaa and joining democratic Ethiopia are questions that get answers only when self-determination of Oromiyaa is realized. Till then nothing hinders all to coordinate their efforts and pay the sacrifice it requires for its fruition. This can be done if the name labels they carry have Oromummaa at heart. They can have common agenda for internal and external relations. However unity might be advantageous, merging organization will not be necessarily essential. Each can moves with one’s own pace. Mighty organization can be formed by few effective people that can mobilize great followers. Those that have similar outlook need no negotiation but understanding.

The struggle may require armed resistance or peaceful political struggle alone or both to reach the interim destination. After that as to which direction to take, the people have to decide. Unless such understandings are created no one should be blamed for attacking the other for they are becoming adversaries not companions. Today the colonial power is weakened beyond repair. To ally with such dying power for Oromo nationals amounts to hating their being Oromo or they are alien hirelings. At this time when the nation is nearing victory many galtuu (minions) are coming forward with empty promises. The case of OPDO figures could be cited. OPDO was systematically disabled from birth. It is colonizers weapon and doesn’t have its own volition. It can never be Oromo organization as it stands.

There could be loose people in the ranks of OPDO that talk without thinking. Even then most talks are guided by alien bosses. They can discuss about nationalism and obstacles to development, enough to be topic of discussion for those that want to give them benefit of the doubt from own wavering or dubious stand. No genuine Oromo nationalists will take them seriously except the naïve and those with Ethiopianist inclinations. It must be said again and again that OPDO as an organization is not Oromo’s but Tigraaway’s marionette not its Frankenstein wretch. It is maneuvered by invisible string of the puppeteer, TPLF. For OPDO to assert Oromiyaa’s constitutional right is to expect marionette to act without the puppeteer. But it must be known that what OPDO utters is only what EPRDF/TPLF approves. If not it will be a declaration of war against the mother party. But it is not, because it has no brain of its own to take independent stand. Otherwise it should have withdrawn from EPRDF for attacking Oromiyaa and opened all prison gates to let political prisoners out. If it could do that history will absolve OPDO from all sins it hitherto created.

In the diaspora Oromo have several community association, religious institutions and civic and political societies for at least quarter of a century. But progress in their growth doesn’t commensurate with capabilities of Oromo lying abroad. So far they are not able to create well-functioning local communities, harmonious faith institutions and effective civil societies. Fixing these should be a test for viability of any higher endeavor.

Oromo nation is now in a critical situation where pretenders seem to outmaneuver patriots confusing Oromo question. They present it as if Oromo do not know what they want unless they formulate one for them. The name of Oromo youth is used for this confusion as if the youth has different question from the whole nation. From behaviors of some cadres many are afraid if Ethiopianist eggs are not being incubated by Oromo hens. The forces of liberation have to develop critical thinking to question why things are done in certain ways by friends or enemies. They should not applaud for all contradictory statements. Our destination is yet far off; many may leave us on the way. Only those those dead on duties are praise worthy. There are many obstacles to overcome; ignorance of actors; individual ambitions; enemy infiltrations and forces of reaction. The Oromo are believed to be capable in handling those. They believe they could present themselves to third parties as equals if only they are sovereign over territory that they can defend. Oromummaa cannot be built in the air and in a situation lacking homeland to fallback to.

TPLF has objectives. To attain them it will use any means at its disposal. One such means is the emergency proclamation. Aim of the proclamation is to disable the Oromo from protesting against it and to eliminate and reduce Oromo numbers with that pretext. Numerous Oromo nationals that it could lay its hand on are driven to Nazi like concentration camps disabling them from participating in any sort of movements. This is in addition to those that go to established prisons. All top Oromo leaders of loyal opposition parties and several of their cadres are in such prisons. Thousands of Oromo nationals have disappeared and killed in the streets. Several farmers are massacred indiscriminately on the streets and in the fields by armed militias trained, equipped and led by TPLF. Thousands were not dislocated before standing their ground to defend their families and their land gallantly with arms snatched from the enemy using sticks and stones. TPLF’s campaign will significantly reduce circulation of numbers of able bodied nationals. The proclamation in that case is achieving its purpose. But ultimately it will be a failed plan. All the monarchs before it had tried ruthlessly, by cutting limbs, breasts and tongues. But the Oromo is still there with greater numbers than all its neighbors including the butchers. To wipeout Oromo for good has proved a wasted effort for colonizers. For Oromo revolutionaries there is nothing greater than the matter of liberation of Oromiyaa. That is why they should keep on reminding about it until the Kaayyoo hits its goal. Long live independent Oromiyaa!

Honor and glory for the fallen heroines and heroes; liberty equality and freedom for the living and nagaa and araaraa for the Ayyaanaa of our fore parents!

Ibsaa Guutama
February 2017

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WAASHINGITAN, DIISII —  VOA

Adda Oromoo Abboo, adda bilisummaa tokkummaa Oromoo, Kongresii biyyoolessa Oromoo fi paartiin walabummaa Oromiyaa jedhaman torban darbe ibsa baasan.

Hidhattoonni naannoo Somaaleetii dhufan aanaalee fi gandeen Oromiyaa daangaa irra jiran irratti haleellaa raawwatan kan hin dhaabanne ta’uun isaan yaaddessuu isaa ibsaniiru. Hidhattoonni kun humnaan dachii kan nama harkaa fudhatan, namoota nagaa kan ajjeesanii fi qabeenyaa kan saaman ta’uu paartileen arfan Oromiyaa keessa sosso’an kun beeksisaniiru.

Torban dabe qofaa illee Harargee Bahaa aanaa Gursum keessatti haleellaan wal fakkaatu raawwatamuuf namoonni nagaan du’uu isaanii dura taa’aan kongresii biyyoolessa Oromoo obbo Tolosaa Tesfaayee ibsaniiru.

Haalli isaa Somaalee Itiyoopiyaas haa ta’u mootummaa naannoo Oromiyaa biratti kan beekamu ta’uu obbo Tolosaan beeksisanii furmaata hatattamaa argachuu akka qabu illee dubbataniiru.

Motoummaan naannoo Oromiyaas gama isaan dhimma isaa quba qabaachuu beeksiseera.

Gama biraatiin haleellaa daangaa irraatti namoota hidhataniin raawwatamu ilaalchisee furmaata arguuf command post fi naannolee lamaaniin yaaliin godhamaa kan jiru ta’uu itti gaafatamaan waajjira komnikeeshinii mootummaa naannoo somaalee Itiyoopiyaa obbo Idiris Ismaa’el beeksisaniiru.

obbo Idiris akka jedhanitti hidhattoota naannoo daangaa Oromiyaa irraa dhufantu aanaalee daangaa naannoo keenyaa irratti haleellaa raawwataa jiru.

Kanneen haleellaa sana raawwatan mootummaa naannoo Oromiyaa, uummatichaa fi waaltaalee isaa kan bakka hin buune ta’uu isaaniif humnootii farra nageenyaa alaa dhufan jedhan.

Gabaasa guutuu dhaggeeffadhaa

Walitti Bu’iinsa Daangaa fi Deebii Angawootaa

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Taphachisi

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by Jawar Mohammed
( Barruu yaadannoo Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaa tan Waxabajjii 11, 2013 magaalaa Atlanta irratti dhihaatte)
Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaa bu’ureessitota qabsoo Oromoo kanneen tarree duraarratti maqaan ka’u keessaa tokko. Gumaachi addaa Jaarraan qabsoo tanaaf godhe maali yoo jenne amna Waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo jaaruu keessatti carraaqqii godhamteefi milkii argamteef shoora duraa tapahcuu isaati. Roorroo saba isaatirra gahuuf joollumamaan laalachuun qabsaa’ota barbaadee dirree falmaa Baaleetitti makamee, lolee lolchiise.

Barbaachisummaa meshaafi leenjii lolaa kan ammayyaa hubachuun gargaarsa barbaacha gama Somaaliyaa, boodas Galaana Diimaa cehee Adan dhaqe. Akeekni Qeeyroo Ganamaatiin qabsoo hidhannoo eegaluu milkaayuu dhabdus, hidhaan waggaa shanii muranno inni diina Oromoo qabsoo hidhannootin cabsuuf qabu hin laafiifne. Bara 1976, yeroo haalli Warraaysaa biyyattii haguugee hamilee qabsoo hidhannoof jirtu laamshesse sanitti, sirni jiruu hiddaan buqqa’u malee Oromoof furmaanni hin jiru jechuun, qawwee lameen Elemoo Qilxuu fa’arraa hafte baasee daggalatti gale;WBOs humnaafi caasaanis ijaarutti seene. Erga gaafa dura Asabootitti Minishir bitateetii hamma gaafa du’uutitti dawaan cunqursaa qawwee ta’uu nama amanaa turee, sabaa isaatinis hidhadhaa jedhee osoo waywaatuu jiraate.

Barruu tana keessatti sababoonni Jaarraan barbaachisummaa qabsoo hidhannoo aakka fardeeyfatu goadhan maal fa’a akka ta’an xiinxaluuf yaala. Akka hubannaa kiyyaatti wantoota afurtu ilaalcha Jaarraan qabsoo hidhannootiif qabu qare. Tokko seenaa warraa isaatiifi kan Oromoo naannawa sanii tan inni joolummaa dhagayaa guddate. Kan lammataa, hariiroo Oromoofi nafxanyoota jidduu tan inni joollumaa arke. Kan sadaffaa araga dhageettii gocha gootummaa ‘shiftoonni’ Oromo kan Habiibifi Hamidoo faa Oromoo nafxanyaarraan gaya turaniiti. Kan afraffaa hirmaannaa lola Baalee keessatti godhe. Armaan gaditti sababoota kana takka takkaan gabaabsinee haa laallu.
Seenaa abbootii

Jaarraan nama warra akkanaatirraayin dhaladhe jedhee maqaan of dhaadu hin turre. Kanaafuu hamma dhihoo kanaatitti waa’ee warra isaa, wanni beeynu xiqqaa ture. Kanarraa kan ka’e seenaan inni abbootii isaatirraa dhaale ilaalcha isaatirratti dhibbaa isin qabdu hedduu hin xiinxalamne. Dubbii tanaaf fooddaa kan nuuf bane barruuleefi haasaya Jaafar Aliitifi Abdurashid Abdurahmaan nuuf dhiheessani. Abdurashiid seenaa abbootii Jaarraa gabaabsee akkanatti kaaye

�“Walakkaa bara 1876, gaafa Ibroo Shaxaa, akaakayyuun [ abaabayyuun] Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaa, lola Cirrachaatti waraana Misraa kan Ra’uuf Baashaa tiin hoogganamuun odoo loluu wareegame, ilmi isaa, Haamid, dardara ture. Lola Calanqoo booda, bara 1889 keessa, gaafa Minilik, summii buna keessatti naqeen, Haamid Ibroo galaafatu, ilmi isaa, Ibraahim, joolle. San booda, bara 1936 keessa, gaafa Ibraahim Haamid, nafxanyoota hawaasa Baha Oromiyaa sirna gabrummaa hoonga hin-qabneen araraasaa bahan, adamuun, hijaa irraa bahaa ture, ilmi isaa, Abdukariim hoggaas dhalata.”

Kanarraa wanni salphatti hubannu abaaboo, kaakoofi abbaan Jaarraa weerara dhuma bardhibbee 19ffaatifi jalqaba bardhibbee 20ffaa keessa Oromoo mudatan, kan boodas alagaa jalatti isa oggolchiisan keessatti warra suduudaan hirmaataa ture ta’uudha. Akkuma kaa’imman kamuutuu seenaa warra isaa kana dagaayaa guddachuu akka malu tilmaanmna. Kanaf ragaa kan nuuf ta’u waa’ee qabsoo Oromoo yoo haasayu Jaarraan yeroo hedduu seenaa abbootiin isaa keessa dabran akka fakkeenyaatti dhiheessa. Seenaa abaaboo isaa Ibroo Shaqaatifi akaakoo isaa Ibraahim Haamid irraa garaagarummaa qawweee qaachuufi dhabuu, akkasumas sadarkaan ammayyummaan qawweefi jaarmayni waraanaa lola keessatti qabdu waan hubate natti fakkata.

Osoo warraani Masrii kan Ra’uuf Paashaa Oromiyaa bahaatin hin bayin dura Oromoonni naannawa sanii heeraafi seera sirna Gadaatin walbulchaa, loltuu ofii Raabaa Dooriin jaaruun daangaa biyya isaanii ittifataa turan. Weerara olloonni isaanii itti bananis ofirraa qoluun, of kabajiisanii, ormanis hanga walbeekanii kabajaan waliin bulaa turan. Waranni Masrii kan Ingilizootaan meeshaa ammayyaa qeensaa hanga rifeensaa hidhate diina Raabaa Doooriin takkaahuu hin argini. Akkasiinuu Murti Guuto gootummaa onneen guutamteefi tokkummaa sirna Gadaatiin taligamteen eeboo, mancaa, wanteefi xiyyaa isaatin dura dhaabbate.

Waraanni Ra’uuf rasaasa ammayyaa itti robsee qaawwa xiqqoo takka banatee magaalaa Adaree Biyyoo qabatus, waggaa kudhaniif dallaya keessaa bahuu kutanii, kaayoo biyyaa Oromoo kolonii Ingilizii jalatti galchuu hoongessanii, injifannoo goonfachuun biyya ofiitii baasan.
Haa ta’uu ammo lolli Masri waliin godhame kun injifannoodhaan goolabamus, akka Professor Mohammed Haasaniifi Jilchaa Hamid katabanitti, humna waraanaa Oromoo akka maleedha laafffise. Tokkoffaa, qondaalonni Raabaa Doorii heeduun, Ibroo Shaqaa dabalatee, ni wareegaman. Lammaffaa, lola dheeraa kanarraa kan ka’een ka’een cibirraaleen faradoo (cavalry) beelladaaleen rasaasa, beelaafi dhukkubaan dhumuu isaatin guututti diigame. Sadaffaa lolli dheeraan kun leeccalloo ummataa dhiiga xuuxuun humna diinaggee biyyaa laaffise.

Osoo Oromoon daadarkaa tanarraa reefu dandamachaa jirtu , weerarri diina haarayni, Masri baatee waggaa sadihiitti, bara 1887, calanqoon as bahe. Warraanni Minilik kan Oromoo naannawa biraa cabsee injifannoon machaawee, diinaggeen of gabbise qawwee ammayyaa shammadatee, ogeessota waraanaa faranjiitin tarsiimoo baafatee Murti Guutotti lola bane. Gaafa Oromiyaa Bahaa weeraru waraanni Minilik qawwee….. qaba. Oromoon qawwee dullatti dhibba hin geenye kan Paashaarraa buufatan, sanuu ta rasaasni waa xiqqasho keessa jiruun dura dhaabbatan. Muraasni fardaa waan laamshayeef mancaa, eeboofi wantee isaa qabateeti lafoo dura dhaabbachuuf dirqame. Akkasumaanuu waraanni Murti Guutoo, humna waraan Minilik kan lafoo( infantry) qaawwedhaan caalamanis gootummaadhaan bobbaa hedduu ofirra faccisuu danda’anii turan. Booda garuu madaafa tabba fagoo, eeboofi mancaan hin dhaqqabne dhaabaniin duubbee Raabaa Dooriin loltuu irraa bobbasuufi madoo itti wal’aanatu ibidda itti roobsan. Bifa saniin qawween sodaattuun hidhatte mancaa gootaa moohattee, nafxanyaan akkuma Oromiyaa biro dachii Humbannatis qabate. Qondaalota Raabaa Doorii kanneen gaafa Calanqoo Calii baraaran, kanneen akka Hamid Ibroo ( akaakoo Jaarraa) kopha qophatti galaafatanii ummata hoggana silaa bakka caphanii isaan kaasu dhabsiisan.

Gaaga’amni weerarri Masriitif kan Minilik Oromootarraan gahee biyya teenya qofatti osoo hin taane addunya guututti gaafani injifannoon lolaa gootummaa loltootaatifi fi qaruuxummaa tarsiimootiin walcaaluun murtaawu sun akka dabarte dhawwaaqe. Fakkeenyaaf lola waraana Sudan kan Darbuush jedhamuuf, kan Abdullaa Al-Taashitin hogganamuufi waraana Ingilizi jiddutti, bara 1898, dirree lolaa Umdurmaanitti godhamerratti waanuma Calanqotti ta’etu raawwatame. Winston Charchil, kan booda muumicha ministeera Ingiliz ta’ee, warrana san keessatti akka loltuufi gabaafutti hirmaate, gama isaa jajuun akka gabaasetti lolli gaafasii keessatti warraana Darbuush 52,000 ta’utu kan Inglizi 8,200 moo’ame. Iccitiin injifannoo tanaa garuu akkana.

Warri Suudan qawwee dullattii takka nyaatteefi meshaa harkan kanuma akka Oromoon qabuu saniin itti baye. Warri Ingiliiz ammo madaafa ammayaa gurguddaa, qawwee otomaatikaa, akkasumas loltuu uffata raasaasafi eeboon laafutti hin dirre ( body armour) uffateen dhihaate. Yeroo lolli ganama subii banamu, osoo lultuun Suudan meetira 2750 bira as hin dhihaatin muraasni madfii (artillery brigade) kurkurruu ibiddaa itti gadi roobse. Qawwee warri Suudan hidhatee keessaa kan akkam jabduu rubuu fageenya kanaa deemuu hin dandesssu ture. Waraanni Darbuush gootummadhaan reeffarra waltarkaanfataa mukatti dahataa ori’us osoo meetira 50 wuu dahoo Ingilizitti hin dhihaatin dhukkaawan. Lola sa’aa jaha qofa ture kana keessatti, Darbushoota nama 10,000 du’aan, 13,00 modoon, kuun ammo qabamuun moo’amuu mudatan. Gama Ingilizii garuu nama 47 qofatu du’e, madoon 382 ture. Darbushoonni Suudaan, akkuma Raabaa Doorii Oromoo, guutummaafi tarsiimoo lolaatiin diina caalanis, qawwee ammayyaatin moo’amanii bitta alagaatiin oggoluuf dirqaman.

Akka xiinxala kiyyaatti Jaarraan abba isaatifi manguddoota naannawaatirraa seenaa gootummaa Murti Guutoo dhagayaa guddachuun, murni akkasitti gootaa akkamiin alagaaf jilbiiffate gafin jedhu waan mataa keessatti uumame natti fakkata. Seenaa abaaboofi akaakoo isaatti dabaltee kanummaan abbaa isaatuu yaada kana cimsuu mala. Abbaan isaa Ibraahim Haamid, nama hayyummaa isaatitti fayyadamuuf mootummaan Haylasilassee ofitti dhiheessee aangoo keennef ture. Garuu beekkomsi isaa safarmaee hin dhumne suniifi aangoon alagaan kenniteef hamma fedhees laalatu roorroo ummata isaatirraa gayaa ture irraa ittiisuuf isa hin dandeessifne ture. Kanaaf ammo deebiin isii; luynaafi jegna onneen , hayyuufi harsama sammuun adda bahuun hafee, qawween luyna jegnoomsitee, doofaa mootii godhuu waan hubate fakkata.Kanaaf Oromoon deebi’ee mirgaafi kabajaa isaa goonfachuuf falli kophaa ‘ibidda alagaan itti nu gubu san nutis horachuudha’ yaanni jedhu ganamumaan sammuu isaa keessatti habaqaalte. Kanaafuu hubannoon seenaa sababoota Jaarraan qabsoo hidhannootti umrii isaa guutuu cicheef keessaa tokko jechuuf kan nu dandeessisu raga jabaadha.
Fakkeenyummaa Finciltoota Oromoo

Erga humna qawwee ammayyaattin caalamee alagaa jalatti buluuf dirqamee boodas Oromoon gandaantummaa fudhatee roorroof jilbeeffatee akka hin jiraatin ragaan hedduu. Bakka takka takkatti hogganoonni hawaasaa hambalaa sirna Gadaatifi tan Raabaa Doorititti fayyadamuun ummatan gurmeessanii finciluun yeroo gabaabafis taatu nafxanyaa offiraa buqqaasu yaalaa turan. Bakka biraatti ammo matayyoonni Oromoo cunqursaan itti hammaate mataa bowwaafachiise, finciluun gaaratti galanii ‘shiftaa’ ta’an. Oromoota bifa kanaan fincilanii maqaa horatan keessaa Salaaletti kan akka Hagarii Tulluuti, Muluu Wasanuutifi Asaffaa Shaaroo Lammii, Arbaa Guugutti Tuntunaa fa’a tuquun ni dandaya. Baha Oromiyaatti ammoo Hamidoo fi Habiib———– namoota fincilli isaanii hidda nafxanyaa raase keessaa warra hangafaati. Jarri kun maqaa ‘shiftaa’ jedhuun haa beekkaman malee, shiftoota Habashaatirraa adda akka ta’an hubachuu feesisa. Shiftoonni Habashaa sabani gaaratti galaniif ummata saamuu dalagaa godhachuufi. Seenaa ‘shiftoota’ Oromoo bebbeekkamoo ta’n yoo qorannu ammoo, wanni manaa isaan baase roorroo nafxanyoonni irraan gayan ifachuudhaan akka fincilan agarra. Hedduun isaanii nafxanyoota biyya bulchan ajjeesuudhaan qawwee irraa fudhatanii gaaratti galan. Kan saamanis nafxanyoota midhaan ummataa fe’an malee ummata nagayaatii miti. Fakkeenyaaf waan Haamido fincilsiise Abdurashiid kitaaba ‘Raammisoo’ keessatti bifa armaan gadiitiin kaaye:

�“Haalli Haamidoo fincilaan gaye roorroo nafxanyaan Weeyzaro kaasaye ja’amtu, obboleessa isaatirraan geesse. Gaafa tokko sababa saffarrii irbootiin itti dallantee, qaallitti obboleessa irra guddaa Dashoo Ibroo, xilaan garaftu Haamidoon arke. Intalti dhalaa ilma dhiiraa tokko warra isaa duratti harka itti laachuun onneen Hamidoo fudhachuu didde. Coraan suukannaawe. Golcha qaallitti tuffii tuffii olitti fudhate. “haalli kun narra numa hin geenye” ifiin je’ee bara 1942 keessa umrii diiydamii shaniitti, Albeen “caphaa tokkoon gara gaara seene. Odoo hin bubbulin , Xuullo keessa idoo Khadee Ashee ja’amutti nafxanyaa ganda hiraarsu tokko galaafateItti aanse, Aanaa Masalaa, naanno laga Xuuxxootti kan biraa tokko dhabamsiise. Oduun warra gatamanii, nafxanyoota baadiyyaa keessa aka fedhan sossohan dallansiifte. Kanaaf, isaaniifi askaroonni gaaraafi dakhatti barbaaduu jalqaban. Gaafa kaan , haamidoofi waraanni isa barbaadaa deddeemu, Eeldhaaye gam agama dhihaa, irkata Boortee Dhuuggootii ol, iddoo qalaya jedhamutti wal afaan dufan. Haamidoon, Shaalaqaa waraana if duuba tarrisee boonaa dura deemu halaalaa adda keessa dhawee gaangeerraa lafatti darbe. Qaallichi lafa dhooynaan waraanni isaa dheefa dhukkee kaasan. Mootummaan haala ashkaroota isii mudate, raadiyootti ibsullee baattu, gurra ummataa seenuu dhoorkuu hin dandeenye. Ummanni gama isaanitiin

“Haamidoo Ibroo dhaa leenca haati deeyse
Mataa malee hin dhawuu mangistiin dhageeyse”
Tarkaanfilee gootummaa Haamidoo tun nafxanyoota dhiiga ummataa bahaa-gala dhoorkuu, Oromoota ammoo ni onnachiisuun gara gaaraa qaceelchee,
“…cifroonni isaa yeroo gabaabaa keessatti dhibba caalan. Kun nafxanyaa gibira guurtu bira dabree mootummaa guddittiihuu baarayse . Haala kanaan “Ilmi Ibroo Haamidoon, waggaa diigdamii afuriif mootummaa Habashaaa-tti lubbuu guraaraa bahee , bara 1966 keessa, seenaa dhaloonni naannoo sanii ittin boonuu qaban dhiisee, umrii 49tti kute. Seenaan Haamidoo, haawsni keenya yoo akka isaatti ifirratti lolan bulchiinsa Habashaa jalaa walaboomuuf yaroo dheertuu akka irraa hin fuune buhachiise,” ( Raamiso, f xxx)
Jedha Abdurashiid seenaa Haamidoo bifa gabaabduun dhiheesse yoo goolabu.
Oromoota dalagaa Hamidoo tanarraa waa hubatanii, booda faana isaa dhahanii qabsoo bilisummaa saba Oromoo hidda gadi dhaaban keessaa tokko Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaati. Gaafa Haamidoon gaaratti galu Jaarraan daa’ima waggaa jahaati, gaafa inni wareegamu ammo, dargaggeessa waggaa soddomaati. Kanaafuu umurii sammuun isaa waa qabattu ( formative years) keessatti Jaarraan dalagaa guutummaa Haamidoo dhagayaatifi argaati guddate. Hojii finciltoota akka Haamidootirraa, hubannoolee ilaalchaafi tarkaanfilee booda fudhateef bu’ara ta’an jajjaboo gaafas horate jechuun ni danda’ama.

Hubannoon duraa, garaagarummaa nama qawwee qabuutifi hin qabne jidduu jirtu. Namni qawwee qabuufi itti fayyadamee alagaa rukute, mirga ifiitifi kan fira isaa kabachiisuu akka dandayu. Kan lammataa ammoo namnummaan tokko onnatee qawweedhaan fincillaan nafxanyoota ol’aantummaa argatanii oftuulani waaqaan if qixxeessan akka weerarsuufi sirna mootummaa isaani ‘waaqarraa kennameef’ san akka daddaaysuu dandahu. Akkasumas namni qawween diina hangas raase, ummata isaa kan hamileen cabdee, jiruun laamshoytee, gabrummaa qaama godhate yeroma gabaabdutti akka dammaysituufi onnee itti hortu hubate.
Hubannoon Jaarraan seenaa finciltoota Oromootirraa joollummaa qomatti qabatee kun muuxannoo sirna nafaxanyaa keessatti matuma isaatiifu isa mudataniin daran jajjabaatan. Seenaa Jaarraa kan caalatti beekamu kanuma warraaysaa keessaati. Haa ta’aa ammo Jaarraan Abbaa Gadaa akkuma Oromoota hedduu, osoo warraaysatti hin seeninin dura mootummaa jirtu keessaan dantaafi mirga saba isaa kabachiisuu yaalee ture. Manguddoon biyyaa paarlaamaa Itoophiyaatti filamee akka dantaa isaanii mootummaa biratti eegsisuuf itti waywaannaan, nama nafaxanyaa tokkoon waliin dorgome. Garuu ummanni buqqa’ee Jaarraa filuus, sagaleen isaanii bakki buuta dhabamee namichi kuun moohate jedhanii deebisanii irratti shuuman. Kanarraa Jaarraan, filannon mootummaa sanii tan dharaatifi dantaa nafxanyoota ummataa xuuxaa jiraatanii ‘halaal’ (legitimize) fakkeessanii tursuu tan godhamtu ta’uu hubate. Namni haqaan ummata isaatif falmuu barbaadu filamuu akka hin dandeenyeefi ummanniis hamma fedhe bahee yoo filate nama ifii barbaadan bakka buufachuu akka hin dandeenye raga harkatti qabate.
Muuxannon dhumaa tan Jaarraa qabsoo hidhannootif garaa murachiifte yaalii haqa intala Oromoo takkaa gara mana murtiitin argamsiisuuf godhe. Mudannoo ilma jireenya Jaarraatiifi seenaa Oromoo jijjiiruuf teeysu tana Abdurashiid bifa armaan gadiitiin kaaye.

“…Guyyaa tokko , niitii jaarsi mana hidhaa Asaboot keessatti irraa ajjeefame , tan hulaa foolis xaabiyaa duraa boochu takkaan walitti dhufe. Kan warri arkan marti bira kutan, Jaarraan, nahuufii bira dabree, akkuma amala isaatti, gargaarutti seene. Tattaafanni niitii bira dhaabbachuu kun Jaarraafi ajajaa foolis xaabiyaa, Shaambala, tooyanna isaa jalatti namichi du’e, wal afaan buuse. Jaarraan dhiiga namichaa baasuuf Shaambalticha mana heeraatiif dhiheeysuu murteeffate. Haa ta’uu malee , Jaarraan Adareefi Asaboot jidduu deddeebi’ee, Amaarticharraa wahuu siiysuu dadhabe. Waraqaa yaamicha mana heeraa tan Adaree itti fidu , Shaambaltichi, ija isaa duratti cicciruu bira dabree “ aante Gaallaa aselechihaallehu” ( yaa Gaallicha siin hifachiisa) jechuuniin heeraa ol tahuu isaa irra deddeebi’ee mirkaneesseef. Gama biraatiinis , doginyoota haala kanarratti gargaarsa gaafatu keessaa, “dubbii tana yoo dhiifte irra siif wayya,” warra ja’uun malee kan tin’isa laatuuf dhabe. Ijibbaanni Shaambalticha mana heeraa dhiheessuuf godhu , guyyuma guyyaan Jaarraa rakkaa dhufe. Dubbii if dura dhiibuu dadhabuun , guyyaa bira taree, halkan hiiriba isa dhoorke. Kana keessa seenaan Haamidoofi Habiib sammuu boo jihan.”
Muuxannoon tun yaada Jaarraan joollummaarraa kaasee mataa keessatti bilcheessaa turte gadi jabeessiteef. Kunis warri qawween angorratti bahe hanga fedhees ummanni jibbu, akka tolaan sireerraa gadi bu’eef hin teenya daran ifatti baateef. Sirna qawween jaaramee, qawween ittifamaa jiru kun qawwumaan diigamu malee mirgaafi dantaan sabaa akka walarkuuf hin teenye mamii takkalee garatti hin hambifne. Gaafasii kaasee Jaarraan sirna san qabsoo hidhannootin hiddaan buqqisuuf tarkaanfii fudhate.
Lola Baaletitti Hirmaachuu

Wanni Jaarraan finciltoota akka Haamidootirraa hubate bu’aa isii qofa osoo hin taane hanquu isiitisi. Finncilli matayyoonni hiraar jalaa bahuuf kophaatti yookin nama muraasaan godhan nafxanyoota naannawa sanii hagbsee mootummaa san shoorarkeessus, sirna cunqursaa hiddaan buqqaasee ummata bilisummaa goonfachiisuuf akka hin dandeenye arge. Walsimannaan qawweefi gootaa jijjirama waaraa fiduu kan danda’u yoo ummata gurmeessee fincila waloo geggeesse yaanni jedhu mataa seenuun tarkaanfi kanatti aansee fudhaterraa hubachuu dandeenna. Kunis qawwee bitate qabatee kophatti gaaratti galurra, ilmaan Oromoo bifa gurmaayeen fincila geggeessaa jiran iyyaafatee gara Baalee qajeele. Gaafa Oromoon malkaa xiqqaa gamattuu walwallaalchisame san keessatti, gosaafi naannawa isaa keessaa bayee, Waabe gamatti, warra loqonni isaanituu qaceellotti hin galleef waliin wareegaaf of qopheessuun isaa barbaachisummaa qabsoo hidhannoo bifa gormoofteen godhamtuu hangam takka hubate ragaadha.
Lola Baalee keessatti hirmaachuun kun ammo hubannoo biroo kenneefi. Kunis akka nam tokkouutti fincilaa gaaratti galurra ummata dammaysanii loluun wayyus, leenjii waraanaa ammayyaatiifi caasaa sirna qabuun jaaruumuu baannan bakka yaadamu gahuu akka hin dandeenyee arguu isaati. Fnficilli Baalee ummataa guutuu sochoosee, nafxanooya dachirraa buqqasee nnaannawa san dhuunfatuus, jaarmaya waraanaafi ititaafi tarsiimoo ammayyaa dhabuurraan kan ka’ee sadarkaa sirna mootummaa san fonqolchuu danda’urra ga’uu hin dandeenye. Kanaaf, Jaarraan waraana bifa ammayyaatiin leeji’eefi caasaa turuu danda’u ( sustainable) injaaruuf gara Adan qajeele. Akkuma yaadettis qabsaa’ota akka isaa walitti qabuun, Qeeyroo Ganamaa, nama 41 of keessaa qabdu, kan leenjii gahaan qaramteefi bifa ammaatiin jalaa-olitti jaaramteen Oromiyaatti as qajeele. Mootummaa Soomalee harka bu’uun akeekni Qeeyroo Ganamaa akka yaadametti fiixa bahuu baatus, erga hidhaa waggaa shaniitii bayee booda, hubannoo seenaa abbootii isaa , shiftoota Oromoofi fincila Baaletirraa argate osoo hin dagatin, bara 1976tti Waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo gadi dhaabuu danda’e.
Goolabbii

Barruu tana keessatti mooyxannoon Jaarraan joollummaadhaan keessa dabre qabsoo hidhannoo Oromoo jaaruuffi boodas itti cichuuf akka murteessaa tahan agarsiisuun yaalameeti jira. Jaarraadhaaf Oromoon kan caphee qawween caalameeti, kan oggolee jiraateefis qawwee dhabaafi, kanaa furmaanni qawwee barbaaddatanii, diina ibiddaan namatti roorrisu ibiddaan dura dhaabbachuudha. Mooyxannoon tun kutannoo bara dukkanaa tan abdiin bilisummaa hin jirre san keessatti ifitti abdannaadhaan qabsoo hidhannoo akka eegalu kan dandeessifte yoo ta’u, waldhibdee booda isaafi jaallan qabsoo biro waliin uumamteefis hanga tokko saba jedheetin yaada.
Sabboontonni qabsoo Oromoo bu’eerressan akeeka Oromoo sirna cunqursaa calaa baasurratti waliif galtee qabaajaa turan. Ta’us, tarsiimoo, tooftaafi bifa jaaramayaa akkamiitin akeeka kana galmaan gayuuf irra fayyada kan jedhurratti ilaalcha adda addaa akka qabaataa turan beekkamaadha. Wantoota garaagarummaa kana uuman keessaa tokko akkaataa namoonni kun itti dammaqanii qabsoo Oromootif ka’ani jedheen yaada. Akkaataa bu’ureessitoonni kun itti dammaqan, dimshaashumatti, bakka lamatti qooduu dandeenya. Gareen tokko warra jiruma ofii keessatti roorroo mataa isaa yookin saba isaatirraa geessen dallanee kan ka’e yoo ta’u, kan lammataa, akkaataa Oromoon bittaa alagaa jalatti itti kufeefi waan irra gahe, akkasumas siyaasaa addunya, manneen barnootaa keessattifi kitaabotarraa waan dubbisaniifi dhagayan irraa kan dammaqani. Akkaataan sabboontonni kun qabsoo itti seenan kun qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo ijaaruu keessati maaltu dursuu qaba (priority) waan jedhurratti yaada ilaalcha gargaraa akka qabaatan godhe.
Warri mana barnootaatitti dammaqe yaada ( ideology) bilcheessuuf dursa kenna. Tartiibni qabsoo jabduu jaaruuf dandeessisu dura barnootaan dammaquu, itti aansee gurmutti jaaramuu, dhumarra ammo hidhachuudha. Akka ilaalcha kanaatti sababni guddaan Oromoon cunrsaa jala jiruuf wallaala. Sabi diinaafi fira addaan hin beeyne, wal hin beeku, kanaaf waliin qabsaa’uu hin danda’u. Yoo mirgaafi dirqama isaa addaan hin baafanne, mirgaa isaatiif hin dhabbatu, dirqama isaatis hin bayu. Kanaaf saba tokko cunqufama jalaa baasuuf seenaa isaa, haala jireenya isaa, diina isaa, barbaachisummaa qabsootif tarsiimoo qabsoo barsiisuun dirqama. Namni akkanaan dammaqe jaaruufis laaftuudha, hidhatus bu’aa buusa. Namni hin dammaqin hidhatus bu’aa hin buusu yaada jedhu qaban. Kanaafu qabsoo hidhannoo labsuu dura, qabsoo siyaasaatitu barbaachisa jedhan.
Warri, mooyaxannoma ofiitirraa dammaqe qabsoo eegale yaada ummata dammaqsuufi jaaruu kana jibbu baatanis, akkaataa qabsoon itti eegaluufi guddachuu qabdurratti ilaalcha biraa qaban. Mooyxannoo isaanii keessatti wanni argan maddi humnaa guddaan qawweedha.

��Jaarraan warra mooyxannoo mataa ofiitin dammaqee qabsotti dabalame keessaa tokko yoo ta’u, ilaalcha dammaquu, jaaramuu, hidhachuu jedhu kana jibbuu baatus, hidhachuudhatanii falmuuf haal duree kaayuun hin barbaachisu nam jedhu ture. Inumaatu, akka ilaalcha isaatti, dammaqiinsifi jaaramuun yoo hidhannoon jiraate saffisaan galma gayuu danda’an. Sababni isaatis wanni ummata tokko akka cunqorfame usu taasisaa sodaafi abdi kutannaa humnaan caalamuuti. Ummanni onneen keessatti duutee abdii kutate hanga fedheewuu itti lallaabaa oolan kan keessaa dammaqu nama muraasa. Hangi xiqqaan kunis wallaalarraa osoo hin taane qawwee dhabarraayi osoo keessi gubatuu diinaaf oggolamee taa’a. Irra jireessi yoomiyyuu humna bilisummaa horannuun hin arkannu jedhee waan amanuuf wanni gorsan gurra tokkoon seenee kaaniin yaa’a. Kanaafuu ummata akkasii dammaqsuuf namni isaatis qawwee diinni qabu san qabaachuu akka danda’uufi hidhatee dura dhaabbachuu akka dandayu qabatamaan agarsiisuu barbaachisa. Humna hidhatetu ummata dammaysa, ummata dammaqe sanis of jalatti hiriirsee diinarratti bobboosuuf dandeettiifi qophaa’ina qaba jedheetin yaada. Kana ammoo kaka’uumsa ummataa kan dabballee takkaan maletti gaafa Haamidoon faan nafxanyaa karaa dabruu dhoorkan saniitifi , akkasumas fincila Baaletirraa sagantaa siyaasaa takkaan maleetti ummanni guutuu biyyaa diinarratti bobba’e sanirraa ragaa qaba.
Ilaalcha addaa Jaarraan hurate kana waan bara 1976 yeroo inni Finfinnee dhufe san ta’erraa ifatti mul’ata. Gaafas sabboontonni jaarmaya qabsoo jaarurratti bobba’anii turan hirii jijjiirmuu mootummaa saniitin hiree argamtetti fayyadamanii Oromoof waa buusuu yaalaa turan. Kanaafuu yaanni qabsoon hidhanni haa eegaltu jettu hangas mara dhageettii akka hin qabaatin ifa. Akka Jaarraan jedhetti namoonni hidduun yaada inni ammuma qabsoo hidhannoo haa eegallu jedhu san mormuu baatanis si’aa’ina guddaa hin qaban ture. Irra hedduun isaanii ummanni sirritti waan hin dammaqiniif, qophiin leenjiifi hidhannoo gahaan waan hin turreef qabsoo hidhannoo eegaluuf yeroo isii hin geenye yaada jedhu qabaachaa turan. Gariin inumaatuu mootumma haaraya jaaramtu tana keessa harka naqannee tooftaadhaan angoo harka Oromootti galchina jedhanii abdachaa turuutu himama.

Jaarraan garuu osoo oollee hin bulle jaaramaya waraanaa jaaruu qabna ejjannoo jettuutti ciche. Sababni inni dhiheessuus, kan duraa, mootiin dullachi kufus humni qawwee ammas harkuma alagaa waan jiruuf sirni cunqursaa hiddaan hin buqqaane, roorroon Oromorra geessu yeroof laaffattus, hanga nuti humna hin jaarrannetti deebitee dhufuun waan hin oollee. Kan lammataa ammoo, qabsoo hidhannoo eegaluuf hanga ummanni guututti dammaquu, qawweefi hidhannoo gahaa argannuu eeguun barbaachisaa miti, kanaaf namaafi meeshaa hanga qabnuun eegallee taan dhawaataan itti jabeeffachaa deemna yaada jedhu. Ejjannoo tanaan Harargetti deebi’ee qawwee lameen Elelmo fa’arraa hafte baasee Mul’is Abbaa Gadaa fa’a wajjiin qabsoo hidhannoo Gobeelleetti saaqe. Akkuma yaada isaattis tooftaa qawwee takka nama lamatti hidhuutiin, loltoonni isaa askaroota nafxanyaatirraa guyyuma guyyaan qawwee buufataa, saglirraa buttaa, buttarraa muraasatti guddatan. Gaafa lolli Soomaleefi Itoophiyaa banamee qawween lafa guutte,Waraanni Bilisummaa Oromoo qawwee matamatatti hidhatee ummataafuu raabsuu eegale. Gaafa Darguun barattootaafi barsiiftota duguguutti ka’u, WBOn humna magaalatti namaa dirmatu, dahoo ilmaan Oromoo itti baqatanii afaan buneensaatirraa itti baqatan jabaa ta’e. Qabsoon Oromootis loltoota goototatti, ilmaan isii qarayyoo waa baratan dabalatte.

��Cichi cimaan Jaarraan qabsoo hidhannootiif qabu bu’aa yeroo muraasa keessatti argamsiifteen dhugaan galteef. Osoo hanga sirritti qophayamutti waraana jaaruun tursiifamee, hiree lolli Soomaleefi Itoophiyaa uumetti fayyadamuun hin dandayamu ture. Dura ummanninuu kaka’uumsa Soomaleerraa hidhatanii deebi’uu san qabachuun isaa ni shakkiissa. Erga hidhatanii dhufaniihis caasafii hagganni duratti qophaaye osoo jiraachuu baatee dafanii faca’uu malu.

Haala qabsoon Oromoo gaafa Jaarraan Waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo dhaabeefi haala ammaa jidduu walakkeenya hedduutu jira. Gaafasis qabsoon hidhannoo hin barbaachiftu, qawwee hin argannu, qawwee yoo kaafne diinaatu nutti baay’ata, qophii gahaa hin qabnu, dirreen qabsoo kennattuun hin jirtu, ummanni sirritti hin dammayne, dura murnoonni jiran tokko ta’uu qabaniifi yaadota kana fafakkaataniin qabsaa’onni Oromoo wal atakaaraa turan. Haala kana keessatti Jaarraan kutannoodhaan qabsoo hidhannoo eegaluun, sabboontonni Oromoo atakaaroo dubbiin mataa waldhukkuubsuurra gara hojii qabatamaatti akka seenan, akka carraa bane. Akkuma yaadettis ummanni Oromoo humna waraanaa diinni isaan cabsee itti bitaa jiru san akka horatan godhe. Har’a yeroo maraamartoon gaafasii deebitee Oromoota dhuunfattee jirtu kanatti dhaloonni tarkaanfiin atakaaroo dhiisanii Oromoo tarknaafii humneessuu kan Jaarraan fudhate sun fakkeenya guddaa, qabsoo tana sadarkaa itti aantutti ceesisuuf irraa barannu.
Jawar Mohammed
Waxabajjii 11, 2013

The post Jaarraan maalif qabsoo hidhannotitti ciche? appeared first on Bilisummaa.

An Ethiopian opposition leader from a region hit by deadly anti-government protests last year pleaded not guilty in court on Friday, after prosecutors brought charges against him for inciting unrest.

Merera Gudina, leader of the Oromo Federalist Congress from the Oromiya region which was the center of protests against land grabs, was arrested in November after returning from meeting members of the European Parliament in Brussels.

On Friday, prosecutors formally charged Merera with a bid to “dismantle or disrupt social, economic and political activity for political, religious and ideological aim … under the guise of political party leadership,” according to a charge sheet brought before a high court in Addis Ababa.

Merera was also accused of backing a terrorist group and flouting guidelines of a state of emergency imposed in October during his trip to Belgium.

Two other dissidents were also charged with similar accusations in absentia.

Last week, Human Rights Watch criticized the move to arrest Merera.

“Instead of taking actions that would demonstrate genuine resolve to address long-term grievances, the government again used politically motivated charges to further crack down on opposition parties, reinforcing a message that it will not tolerate peaceful dissent,” the U.S.-based watchdog said.

More than 500 people were killed in protests in the Oromiya region that stretched for months until the government declared a six-month state of emergency in October.

The demonstrations were initially triggered by anger over a development scheme for the capital that demonstrators said would force farmers off their land, but then broadened into demonstrations against political restrictions.

Businesses in Oromiya and other areas, many of them foreign-owned, were attacked. Foreign firms have often been leased land by the government that locals say was seized from them for little compensation and sold on at great profit.

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–
Hojiin gaariin xinnoo hin qabdu ;Goota dhaloota qubee ,dhabamuun lubbuu keetii hidda mar’imaan koo na gubee……

The post Dargaggeessi Oromoo Biyya Ollaattti Boqote. appeared first on Bilisummaa.

(OPride) — Abdulkarim Ibrahim Hamid, better known with his nom de guerre as Jara Abba Gadaa, a relentless Oromo freedom fighter and one of the founding members of the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), died yesterday of kidney failure at a hospital in Yemen. He was 77.  

Jara was born in Eastern Oromia, near Gara Mulata, at a village of Mudir Goro, in 1936 to a generation of men who fought long and hard against successive Ethiopian rulers. A pioneer in many respects, Jara’s determination and bravery to end the marginalization of the Oromo was beyond reproach. He began his crusade to liberate the Oromo people first by joining the Bale movement led by the late General Wako Gutu in 1967. He later went to Somalia where he organized Oromo immigrants there to lay the foundation for the formation of  OLA. For more read here

The post Jara Abba Gadaa, Oromo freedom icon, dies at 77 appeared first on Bilisummaa.

(Oromedia, Melbourne 1 Bitootessa 2017)

Qabsaa’ota bilisummaa Oromoo angafoota keessaa tokko ka ta’anii fi maqaa
“JAARRAA ABBAA-GADAA” – jedhamuun ka beekaman – ABDULKARIM IBRAAHIM
HAMIID waggaa afur dura YEMEN keessatti du’aan boqochuu isaanii kan
yaadatamu.
# seenaa_duubbee
Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaa (1936-2013)
Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaa (1936-2013)
Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaa Oromiyaa bahaa, konyaa Gaara Mul’ataa ganda Mudiir
Gooroo keessatti abbaasaa Ibraahim Hamiid fi harmeesaa Moominaa Eeboo irraa
bara 1936 dhalatan. Yeroo umuriin barnootaf ga’us mana barumsaa galanii
barachuu eegalan.
Mana barumsaa sadarkaa olaanaa Harar keessatti yeroo baratan, baratoonni
saboota biroo akka Amaaraa, Hararii fi kkf yeroo ayyaanaa walaloo fi sirba aadaa
sirbanii ummata isaani bashannansiisu ture.

Baratoonni Oromoo garuu, sababa hacuuccaa, dhiibbaa fi jibbiinsa irratti
geggeeffamurraa kan ka’e hirmaannan afaanii fi aadaa ofii guddisuu hinyaaddamu
ture. Kun itti dhaga’ame Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaa, barattoota Oromoo walitti
gurmeessun dhaaba “Waldaa Barattoota Oromoo” jedhamu hundeesse.
Jaarran karaa dhaaba barattootaa kanaatin, ijoollen Oromoo wal akka baran,
hacuuccaa ummata Oromoorratti hojjatamu akka hubatan, afaansaanii fi
aadaasaanii akka guddisan dadammaqasaa ture. Namoota yeroo sana dhaaba
kana keessa turan keessa pirofeesar Mahaammad Hasan, Xahaa Alii Abdii, Jamaal
Alii Abdii faadha. Dhaabni kunis jajjabaatee, bara 1961tti mana siinimaa Hararitti,
agarsiisa aadaa Oromoo geggeesse.
Qabsoo Hidhanoo
Bara 1966 qabsaawota Baalee kan gabrummaa hadhooftuu lolanitti makamuuf
loltoota 12 fudhatee gara Baalee deeme. Baaleettis Fincila Jeneraal Waaqoo
Guutuutiin hogganamu sanitti galee qabsoo jalqabe. Fincila Baalerrattis lola
gurguddaa hedduu keessatti hirmaateera.

Akkuma mootummaan Fincila Baalee too’annoo jala oolcheen, Jaarraan leenjii fi
meeshaa waraanaa gahaa qabaachuun murteessaa ta’uu Isaa waan hubateef
achumaan gara Somaaliyaa deeme. Mootummaan Sumaalee qabsoo Baaletiif
gargaarsa gochaa ture, haaluma kanaan Jaarraas simatan. Boodarra garuu, bara
1969 Mootummaan Ziyaad Baarree kan Somaaliyaa maqaa Oromootin qabsoo
hayyamu dide. Ziyaad Baarreen Oromoonni maqaa Somaaleetiin yoo qabsaa’an
malee gargaarsa akka hinarganne ibsan. Akka Ziyaad Baarree jedhutti Harargee,
Arsii, Baale fi Sidaamoon Somaaleedha, Oromoo miti. Kanaaf Maqaa Somaaleetiin
malee gargaarsa takka qabsoo biraatiif hingodhan.

Jaarraan Abbaa Gadaa yeroo kana gara biyya Arabaatii gargaarsa barbaacha
Yaman deeme. Bara 1970 Yaman Kibbaa magaala Eden gale. Yamanittis, Oromoota
kan biroo kan Elemoo Qilxuu, Huseen Sura fi kkf walarguun waa’ee qabsoo Oromoo
mari’atan; dhaaba Oromoof qabsaa’us hundeessuf murteessan. Mootummaa
Yaman waliin marii kan godhe yoo ta’u mootummaan Yamanis gargaarsa gochuuf
abdii kennaniif. Baruma sana keessa gara Iraaqis deemee qaamoota mootummaa
waliin marii godheera.

Huseen Suraa, Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaa, Elemoo Qilxuu fi hoggantoonni kan biroo
Kaayiroo, Bagdaad fi Damaasqoo dhaquun marii geggeessan. Mootummaan Iraaqii
fi Sooriyaa meeshaa waraanaa keennuufiif, Filisxeemonni Sooriyaa keessa jiran
leenjii waraanaa kennuuf waadaa galan. Erga qophiin barbaachisu xumuramee
booda, loltoonni 36 biyyatti deebi’anii qabsoo waraana kan eegalan leenjii waggaa
tokkoo fudhatan. Maqaan loltoota kanaas Qeerroo Ganamaa jedhamaee
moggaafame.

Baruma kana Jaarraan Qeerroo Ganamaa hogganuudhaan meeshaa waraanaa
fudhatee gara biyyaa qajeele. Qeerroo Ganamaa 36n hogganuudhaan Jaarraan
doonii yaabbatanii Sumaaleetti wayita bu’an, waraanni Sumaalee isaan marsee
isaan qabe. Bara 1970tti Somaaliyaa keessatti mana hidhaa Mandheeraa
jedhamutti waggaa shan hidhaan dabarsan. Waggaa shan hidhaa keessa turee
achii ba’ee gara Moqaadishoo geeffame. Moqaadishotti Ziyaad Baarree ofumasaatii
Jaarran Adda Bilisumma Sumaalee Dhihaa (maqaa Ingiliffaa Western Somale
Liberation Front – WSLF beekkama) akka makamu gaafatan. Jaarran garuu kana
fudhachuu dide. Bara 1975 hoggaa mana hidhaatii bahe qabsoon biyyatti galauu
akka qabu waan amaneef gara biyyaa seenee qabsoo jalqabe.

Sabboontonni Oromoo Finfinnee jiran, labsii dhaaba Oromoo haarawa hundeessuu,
kan Elemoo Qilxuufaa bara 1973 Finfineetti jalqaban xumuruuf gara Finfinnee akka
dhufu affeerranii Finfinnee deeme. Haa ta’u malee, sabboontonni Oromoo dhaaba
Maarkisisti-Leeninistii Dargii wajjin dhaaburratti waan qabamaniif dhaaba Oromoo
hundeessuu kanarratti xiyyeeffachuu waan hindanda’mneef gara biyyaatti deebi’e.
Qawwee muraasaa fi rasaasaa Elemoon faa awwaalan fudhachuun Waraana
Bilisummaa uumee qabsoo itti fufe. Goolii Diimaa Dargii namoonni hedduun
baqatanis waraana kanatti makaman.

Yeroo muraasa booda waldiddaan sababnii isaa ifa hinta’in waraana Jarraa Abbaa
Gadaa fi qabsaawota Finfinneerraa dhufan gidduutti waan ummameef addaan
ba’an. Waraanni lamaan addaan ba’us lamaanuu maqaa “Adda Bilisummaa
Oromoo” jechuun waammama. Bara 1985, Jaaraa Abbaa Gadaa fi hiriyoonni isaanii
waraana kan saanii Adda Islaamummaa Bilisummaa Oromoo (AIBO) jechuun
moggaasan.
AIBOn mootummaa ce’umsaa Itoophiyaa kan bara 1991 ijaarame keessatti
hirmaatee ture. Bara 1992, mootummaa ce’umsaa keessaa ba’uun gara gaarren
Harargeetti deebi’ee qabsoo itti fufe. Bara 2005, maqaa AIBO jedhu gara Adda
Bilisummaa Dimookiraatawaa Oromiyaa jedhutti jijjiirani.
Boqonnaa
Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaa biyya Yaman magaalaa sana’aatti dhukkubsatee yaallamaa
ture gaafa Bitootessa 4, 2013 du’aan darbe. Reeffi Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaa gaafa
Bitootessa 7, 2013 gara biyyaa deebi’e. Gaafa Bitootessa 8, 2013, reefisaa
magaalaa Wataritti awwallame. Jaarraan qabsoo Oromoo keessatti gumaacha
godheen yoomiyyuu yaaddatamaa jiraata.
Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaa nama dhala namaa maraaf mararfannaa fi jaalala guddaa
qaban ta’uu Obboleessi isaanii Dr. Nasraddiin Ibraahiim kanaan dura ibsuun isanii
kan yaadatamu.via N.G.

The post Yaadannoon Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaa (1936-2013) kan Waggaa arfaffaa Sambata dhufu, Bitooteessa 4 bara 2017 Australia Melbourne keessatti akka kabajamu beekameera. appeared first on Bilisummaa.

The post OMN: Qophii Addaa Waggaa Afraffaa dabruu Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaa irratti marii Jaafar Alii waliin Bit. 3, 2017 appeared first on Bilisummaa.

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Baarentuu gadaa Irraa//

“Sabboonummaan maali, eenyutu sabboona dha?  Eenyu yoo maal godhee fi
hojjete sabboonaa jedhama” Gaafii jedhuuf deebiin namootaa ykn akki
itti sabboonumaan ifu namootarra namootatti  addaa addummaa xixiqqoo
qabaachuu mala. Haata’uutii  dhugaan nama hundumaa walii galchu  jechi
“Sabboonummaa” jedhu walittii hidhaa jechoota lamaa ta’uudha. Hikkaan
jechoonni kun walitti qaanja’uun kennanis ifa waan ta’eef
burjaaja’ins hiikoo gama kanaan  muldhatu hin jiru. ykn  harki
guddeessi namaa ibsa dabalataa malee hiikoo jecha kanaa irratti walii
gala.
Sabboonummaan jecha “Saba” jedhuu fi “Boonuu” jedhurra akka maddu
eenyufuu ifaadha. Jechoonni kun lamaan walitti qaanja’uun  ergaa
barbaadamu dabrsaa turaniiru dabrsaas jiru. Saba + Boonuu= Sabboonaa,
sabboontuu, sabboontoota jechuu dandeenya.
Maddi  jecha kanaa erga kana ta’ee  ergaan isaas maal akka ta’e
eenyufuu ifaadha. Jechi sabboonaa ykn sabboontuu jedhuu kun
kallattiidhaan ergaa “Saba ofiitin boonuu” jedhu dabarsa.Saba ofiitiin
boonuun ammoo nama afaan Oromoo dhagahu maraafuu  hikni isaa ifaa dha.
Jechu  sabboonaa, sabboontuu, sabboontoota jedhu kun hikkaan isaa
kana caalaas  guddaa fi ulfaatadha. Hiikoo saba ofiin boonuu  jedhu
qofaan  jecha  Loggomamuu miti. Hiikoo hedduu gadi fagoo ta’e kan
jechaan ibsuun hin danda’amne qaba.  Sabboonummaan yoo xiqqaatee
xiqqaate saba ittiin bonana saniif quuqamuu, quuqamaniis rakkoo saba
ittiin boonan sanirra gahuuf badaduu gaafata.  Roorroo fi balaa saba
ittiin boonan sanirra gahuuf falamuu, amma wareegamaa deemanii sabicha
dura ana na’aansaa osoon ani jiru sabni koo hin miidhamu itti hin
roorrifamu jechuu gaafata.  Walumaa galatti sabboonumaan yoo xiqqaatee
xiqqate yeroo sabni ofii diinaan lolu cinaa goranii waliin loluu
gaafata.
Dhaggeeffattoota keenya hiika gadi fageenyaa jechi sabboonaa,
sabboontuu, sabboontoota jedhu  kun qabu  cinaatti dhiifnee  isuma
salphaa yoo lammiin diina ofirraa lolatu lammii cinaa dhaabbatuun
diinaan lolu jedhu fudhannee ilaalle namoonni nuti sabboonadha,
sabboontudha, sabboontoota jennuun kan akkamiiti? mee  takka of haa
gafaannu.  dhugaa namoonni nuti sabboonaa sabboontuu jennuun saba
isaaniin boonuu, saba isaaniif wareegama lubbuu kaffaluu, ykn
kaffalaniiruu, lakkii saba koo hin xuqxu jedhanii diina dura waan
danda;aniin dhaabbataniiru? Mee  namoota miidiyaa hawaasumama kanneen
akka FB, Tuwterii, weebsaayitoota adda addaarratti barreessinu ykn
raadiytoo fi TV irratti faarsaa ollu of duuba garagallee  yaa ilaallu
.
Dhuguma namoonni nuti dhihoodhayis haa ta’u fagoodhaa abaluun
sabboonadha ykn sabboontuudha jennuun akkuma hiikoo sabboonummaan
qabuutti sabboontootaa? Ummata isaaniif ni falmuu,? Ummata koo dura
balaan dhufe ana nahaa fudhatu   jedhuu?  Kana isnuma warreen  hiikaa
sabboonummaa osoo hin beekne  kan argitan mara  miidiyaa
haawasummaarratti  baatanii ragaa malee, dhugaa malee haasawa faanii
qofa ilaalatnii nama duuban diina waliin dhaabatee ummata isaa
ficisiisaa oluun   abaluun sabboonaa, sabboontuudha jechaa oltanii fi
bultaniifan dhiisa.
Tibba kana odoon ‘Face Book’ fi weebsaayitoota adda addaa sakata’uu
ykn waan namoota adda addaatiin maxxanfaman dubbisuu  waayee
miseensota OPDO arge.  Barruun gabaabaan ‘FB’ irratti maxxane kun
‘Lammaa Magasaa fi Miseensoota OPDO tokko tokko’ ilaallata. Namni
barruu kana maxxansemmoo nama wayyaaneen na dararte jedhee biyyaa
baqatee Ameerikaa Tiraanpiin bulaa jirtu keessa jiruu dha. Barrichi
akkas jedha, “Pireezidaantiin naannoo Oromiyaa Lammaa Magarsaa fi
sabboontonni Oromoo OPDO keessa jiran tooko tokko haalli amma itti
jiran Wayyaanee waliin walitti buusuun isaa hin oolu” jedha. Barruun
kun dheeraa ta’us ani isheedhuma ‘ijoo dubbii’ keenyaa taate  kan
“Lammaa Magarsaa fi sabboontoota OPDO keessa jiran tokkoo tokko” jettu
tanan keessaa fudhe.  Hubadhaa “Lammaa Magarsaa fi sabboontonni OPDO
keessa jiran tokko tokko” hima jettu tana. Akka hima kanaattii fi itti
fufiinsaan dubbisetti “Lammaa Magarsaa sabboona dha”, himni kun Lammaa
qofaanuu hin dhaabbanne. Lammaa Bira darbees  isa  birattuu
Sabboontonni qondaalonni  OPDO  biros jiraachuu  nutti himuu yaala.
Raajidha!.
Kabajamtoota dubbiftoota ykn dhaggeeffattoota! gaafiin guddaan
asirratti ka’uu qabu waayee hiika sabboonummaati? Innis Erga Lammaa
Magarsaa fi waayiloonni isaa warri wayyaanee waliin ta’anii waggoottan
25n darbaniif ilmaan Oromoo ficisiisaa turanii fi jiran ummata bulchaa
jirra jedhan ajjeesaa sabboontota ta’anii inni Oromoof du’aa turee fi
jiru maal  haa jedhamu? isaan saba isaanif jedhnii baadiyyaa
magaalaatti waraana Aga’aaziitin dhumaa turnaii fi jiran hoo maal
jedhamu? Maal jennaani? Isaan  saba isaanitiif mana hidhaatti
manakaraaraa jiran, isaan  saba isaaniif jedhanii waraana
Wayyaaneetiin qaamaa hirdhatan, Isaan tikkoota wayyaaneetiin  eessa
buteen isaanii dhabame maqaa maaliin  waamamu?
Qondaalonni OPDO kun keessumaa Lammaa Magarsaa waggoota 25n darbaniif
Oromoo ajjeesuu fi ajjeechisiisuu malee maal Oromoof hojjete?
Ammumallee Aga’aaziin Maqaa Komaandi Postiin Oromootti bobba’ee yoo
fixu mee maal dubbate? Ammas kan OPDO irraa argaa jirru dhiphuu
qabsoon Oromoo itti bulcherraa warra Wayyaaneen ergamanii sobanii nama
Oromoof nahan fakkaatanii warra bara bittaa Wayyaanee dheereessuuf
hidhii xuuxaa jiraachuu isaaniti. Isas ta’ee wayiloonni isaa gantoota!
Isaan kanarraa ammoo sabbonummaan ni calaqqisa jedhanii dubbachuun ykn
barreessuun maal jechuudha? Kun dhugaa dubbachuudhaaf dhiiga namatti
qoosuu dha! Wareegama qeerroo Oromoo haranii hallayyaatti gatuuf
tattaafachuudha!  Haasaan akkanaa gita lammii ta’uu dhiisanii; gita
diinaa ta’uu dha ifatti mirkaneessa. Lammaa Magarsaas ta’ee
waayiloonni isaa qondaaloonni OPDO karaa kamiinuu sabboontoota ta’uu
hin danda’an, quuqama Oromoos hin qaban.
Qondaaloonni  OPDO keessaawuu  Lammaa Magarsaa fi kaabinoonni isaa
isaanuu Wayyaaneedha, isaanuu Aga’aazi dha, isaanuu liyyuu Hayilii
ummata Oromoo fixaa turanii fi jiranii dha. Warri har’a waltajjii adda
addaarratti afaan mi’eeffatanii haasawaa jiran kun hunduu sobdoota,
kijibdoota, warra harkii isaanii dhiiga ilmaan Oromootiin xuraayeedha,
Cubbamtoota dhiigni ilmaan Oromoo isaanirraa iyyaa jiruu dha. Gumaatu
irra jira, isaaniif Oromoon warra gumaati. Nama harki saa dhiiga
namaatiin xuraayee ammoo sabboonaa jedhanii waamuun yakka. yakka yakka
caaluudha. Namni yakkamaa saba isaa gurgurate sabboonaa jedhee yaamus,
inni owwaatus yakkamtoota. Namni waan  ka’uumsa dubbii kanaa kan ta’e
Lammaa Magrsaa Fi Sabboontoota OPDO tokko tokko jedhee barreessees
haata’u kanneen biroo waan walfakkaataa karaa miidiyaa hawaasaa
facaasaa oolan  beekees haa ta’u osoo hin beekiin kan itti jiran
yyakka ta’uu hubatanii osoo irraa dhaabbatanii dansaadha! Dhiiga
ilmaan Oromoo  saba isaaniif wareegamaa turanii fi jiranirratti qoosuu
jiru waan ta’eef dhiisaa jedhamuu qabu. Gochi akkanaa gantummaattis
nama rammachiisa!  Kanarraa ka’uun waan jedhanirratti xiinxalaa fi
beekumsa gahaa qabaachuun dansaa dha!
Gantoonni kalees hara’as  bara hamaa dabrfachuuf sobanii maqaa saba
kanaatin haa daldalan malee aantummaa saba Oromoo hin qaban, Lammaa
Magarsaas ta’ee qondaaltoonni OPDO ergamtoonni Wayyaanee hunduu
sabboonummaa mitii quuqama takkaawuu ummata Oromoo maqaa isaatiin
daladalaa jiraniif hin qaban. Hojiin isaan ittiin beekamanii fi ittiin
jiraachaa jiran ergamummaa dha. Oromoo ajjeesaa, hidhaa fi hisiisaa
bara saamichaa fi bittaa Wayaanee dheereesuu dha. Kun dhugaa
qabatamaa,  hojii saanii ifatti beekamuu fi kan waggoota 25n darbaniif
itti turaniidha. Jarreen kanaaf sabboonummaa kennuun  ammoo yakka.
Cubbuudhasii.
Kanumarraa ka’uun namni kamuu  lafumaa ka’ee ergamtoota, garaaf
bultoota saba isaanii gurgarataa jiran kanneeniin  beekaas haa ta’u
osoo hin beekiin “Sabaan Boonaa, Sabaan Boontuu, sabaan Boontoota
walumaa galatti sabboontoota”  jechuun gadhummaa dha! Doofummaadha!
Qondaaloonni OPDO yakkamtoota, xurooftoota seenaati! Gataa
Boosattiiti! Mujjaa, Buqqee kosiirra biqilan; warra quuqamni namummaa
keessa hin jirree dha!
Xurooftoota seenaa, atalaa, koosii Wayyaanee yakkamtootaa fi
ergamtoota kanaaf ammoo maqaa hin fakaannee fi gotota Oromoof kennamu
itti  maxansuun qoosaa dha.  Qoosaa akkanaa qoosuurra  ammoo kan ta’uu
qabu; warri  beekaas haata’u  odoo hin beekin maqaa isaanii hin malle
itti tolchuuf  kaachaa jiran kun odoo ummat Oromoo fi qabsaawoota
ilmaan isaa WBO/Qeerroo duukaa hiriiruun  waan danda’aniin
jajjabeessanii, kosii Wayyaanootaa kana ofirra gatuu keessatti
hirmaatanii irra dansaadha! Kan sabboonummaa namatti uwwisuu fi
sabboonaa, Sabboontuu nama godhus hojii akkanaati malee oduu hin
fakkaanne odeessuu miti!

The post “Lammaa Magarsaa fi Sabboontonni OPDO Tokko Tokko”?! appeared first on Bilisummaa.

Dhimma Daangaa Ilaalchisee Deebii Ergamtuu Wayyaanee Lammaa Magarsaa

The post Dhimma Daangaa Ilaalchisee Deebii Ergamtuu Wayyaanee Lammaa Magarsaa appeared first on Bilisummaa.

Ethiopia is officially a federal republic. The ruling Ethiopian Peoples’

Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition of four ethnically based

parties, controls the government. In May 2015 elections the EPRDF and affiliated

parties won all 547 House of People’s Representatives seats to remain in power for

a fifth consecutive five-year term. In October 2015 parliament elected

Hailemariam Desalegn as prime minister. Government restrictions severely

limited independent observation of the vote. A mission from the African Union,

the sole international institution or organization permitted to observe the voting,

called the elections “calm, peaceful and credible.” Some nongovernmental

organizations (NGOs) reported an environment conducive to free and fair elections

was not in place prior to the election. There were reports of unfair government

tactics, including intimidation of opposition candidates and supporters, and

violence before and after the election that resulted in six confirmed deaths.

Civilian authorities at times did not maintain control over the security forces, and

local police in rural areas and local militias sometimes acted independently.

Security forces used excessive force against protesters throughout the year, killing

hundreds and injuring many more. The protests were mainly in Oromia and

Amhara regions. At year’s end more than 10,000 persons were believed still to be

detained. This included persons detained under the government-declared state of

emergency, effective October 8. Many were never brought before a court,

provided access to legal counsel, or formally charged with a crime. On June 10,

the government-established Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC)

reported and presented to parliament a summary of its report. The EHRC counted

173 deaths in Oromia, including 28 of security force members and officials, and

asserted that security forces used appropriate force there. The EHRC also asserted

Amhara regional state special security had used excessive force against the Kemant

community in Amhara Region. On August 13, the international NGO Human

Rights Watch (HRW) reported an estimate that security forces killed more than

500 protesters. In October the prime minister stated the deaths in Oromia Region

alone “could be more than 500.” The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights

requested access to Oromia and Amhara regions, which the government refused.

Following dozens of deaths at a religious festival in Bishoftu on October 2, groups

committed property damage. On November 9, international NGO Amnesty

International reported more than 800 persons were killed since November 2015.

ETHIOPIA 2

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2016

United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor

The most significant human rights problems were security forces’ use of excessive

force and arbitrary arrest in response to the protests, politically motivated

prosecutions, and continued restrictions on activities of civil society and NGOs.

Other human rights problems included arbitrary killings; disappearances; torture

and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment; harsh and life-
threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest, detention without charge, and

lengthy pretrial detention; a weak, overburdened judiciary subject to political

influence; infringement on citizens’ privacy rights, including illegal searches; a

lack of participatory consultations and information during the implementation of

the government’s “villagization” program; restrictions on civil liberties including

freedom of speech and press, internet freedom, academic freedom and of cultural

events, and freedom of assembly, association, and movement; interference in

religious affairs; only limited ability of citizens to choose their government; police,

administrative, and judicial corruption; restrictions on activities of civil society and

NGOs; violence and societal discrimination against women; female genital

mutilation/cutting; abuse of children; trafficking in persons; societal discrimination

against persons with disabilities, persons based on their gender identity and sexual

orientation, and persons with HIV/AIDS; societal violence including violence

based on ethnicity, property destruction, and the killing of security force members;

and limits on worker rights, forced labor, and child labor, including forced child

labor.

Impunity was a problem. The government generally did not take steps to prosecute

or otherwise punish officials who committed abuses other than corruption.

Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from:

a. Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and other Unlawful or Politically Motivated

Killings

There were numerous reports the government and its agents committed arbitrary

and unlawful killings. Security forces used excessive force against protesters

throughout the year, killing hundreds. The protests were mainly in Oromia and

Amhara regions. A March 14 report from the independent Ethiopian NGO Human

Rights Council (HRCO) covering 33 districts in Oromia from November 2015 to

February 20 described more than 100 extrajudicial killings. On June 10, the

government-established EHRC reported to parliament that it counted 173 deaths in

Oromia, including 28 of security force members and officials, and asserted security

ETHIOPIA 3

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2016

United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor

forces used appropriate force there. The EHRC also asserted Amhara regional

state special security had used excessive force against the Kemant community in

Amhara Region. The EHRC did not publicly release its report. On August 13,

HRW estimated security forces killed more than 500 protesters.

On August 6 and 7, security forces reportedly killed approximately 100 persons in

response to demonstrations in major cities and towns across the Oromia and

Amhara regions. Political opposition groups reported government forces killed

more than 90 protesters in Oromia. The Amhara regional government reported

seven deaths; other sources reported more than 50 were killed in Amhara Region.

b. Disappearance

Individuals reportedly arrested by security forces as part of the government’s

response to protests disappeared. In a June report on the government’s response to

Oromo protests, HRW reported hundreds of persons were “unaccounted for”

including children.

Due to poor prison administration, family members reported individuals missing

who were in custody of prison officials, but whom the families could not locate.

c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or

Punishment

Although the constitution and law prohibit such practices, there were reports

security officials tortured and otherwise abused detainees.

In its June report, HRW reported security force members beat detainees, including

minors. Security force members used wooden sticks, rubber truncheons, and

whips to do so. According to the report, several students stated they were hung by

their wrists and whipped, four said they received electric shocks to their feet, and

two had weights tied to their testicles. Several female detainees reported security

force members raped them. The report stated, “Most of the individuals

interviewed by HRW who were detained for more than one month described

treatment that appeared to amount to torture.”

Mistreatment reportedly occurred at Maekelawi, official detention centers,

unofficial detention centers, police stations, and in Kilinto federal prison. There

were reports police investigators used physical and psychological abuse to extract

confessions in Maekelawi, the federal crime investigation center in Addis Ababa

ETHIOPIA 4

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2016

United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor

that often held high-profile political prisoners. Interrogators reportedly

administered beatings and electric shocks to extract information and confessions

from detainees. HRW reported abuses, including torture, that occurred at

Maekelawi. In a 2013 report, HRW described beatings, stress positions, the

hanging of detainees by their wrists from the ceiling, prolonged handcuffing,

pouring of water over detainees, verbal threats, and solitary confinement.

Authorities continued to restrict access by diplomats and NGOs to Maekelawi,

although some NGOs reported limited access.

The United Nations reported that during the year (as of December 20) it received

one allegation of sexual exploitation and abuse against Ethiopian peacekeepers for

an incident alleged to have occurred during the year. The allegation, against

military personnel deployed to the UN Mission in the Republic of South Sudan,

was investigated by the Ethiopian government and found to be unsubstantiated.

Prison and Detention Center Conditions

Prison and pretrial detention center conditions remained harsh and in some cases

life threatening. There were reports that authorities beat and tortured prisoners in

detention centers, military facilities, and police stations. Medical attention

following beatings reportedly was insufficient in some cases. Prisoners died in

fires.

The country had six federal and 120 regional prisons. During the state of

emergency, effective since October 8, the government announced detention centers

in Awash, Ziway, and Dilla and stated suspects could be detained at various police

stations in Addis Ababa. There also were many unofficial detention centers

throughout the country, including in Dedessa, Bir Sheleko, Tolay, Hormat, Blate,

Tatek, Jijiga, Holeta, and Senkele. As part of the government’s response to the

protests, persons were also detained in military facilities, local administration

offices, and makeshift government-owned sites.

A local NGO supported model prisons in Adama, Mekelle, Debre Birhan, Durashe,

and Awassa; these prisons had significantly better conditions than those in other

prisons.

Pretrial detention often occurred in police station detention facilities, where

conditions varied widely, but reports indicated poor hygiene and police abuse of

detainees.

ETHIOPIA 5

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2016

United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor

Physical Conditions: Authorities sometimes incarcerated juveniles with adults.

Prison officials generally separated male and female prisoners, although mixing

occurred at some facilities.

Severe overcrowding was common, especially in prison sleeping quarters. The

government provided approximately nine birr ($0.40) per prisoner per day for

food, water, and health care, although this amount varied across the country. Many

prisoners supplemented this amount with daily food deliveries from family

members or by purchasing food from local vendors. Other reports noted officials

prevented some prisoners from receiving food from their families. Medical care

was unreliable in federal prisons and almost nonexistent in regional ones.

Prisoners had only limited access to potable water. Water shortages caused

unhygienic conditions, and most prisons lacked appropriate sanitary facilities.

Many prisoners had serious health problems but received little or no treatment.

There were reports prison officials denied some prisoners access to needed medical

care. In 2012 the Ministry of Health stated nearly 62 percent of inmates in jails

across the country experienced mental health problems due to solitary

confinement, overcrowding, and lack of adequate health-care facilities and

services.

The June HRW report on government response to Oromo protests stated detainees

reported overcrowding, inadequate access to food and water, and solitary

confinement, including in military camps. The report stated men and women were

not held in the same cells in most locations, but children were detained with adults.

Fires in prisons occurred in Gondar in December 2015, in Ambo on February 19,

in Debretabor on September 1, and, on September 3, at Kilinto Prison where at

least 23 inmates died.

Visitors of political prisoners and other sources reported political prisoners often

faced significantly different treatment compared with other prisoners. Allegations

included lack of access to proper medication or any medical treatment, lack of

access to books or television, and denial of exercise time. In at least one case,

when such complaints were openly raised in a court of law, the presiding judges

referred the complaints to the prison administration, which had already refused to

look into the complaints.

Administration: Due to the lack of transparency regarding incarceration, it was

difficult to determine if recordkeeping was adequate. There were reports prisoners

mistreated by prison guards did not have access to prison administrations to

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complain. Prisons did not have ombudspersons to respond to complaints. Legal

aid clinics existed in some prisons for the benefit of prisoners, and at the regional

level had good working relations with judicial, prison, and other government

officials. Prison officials allowed detainees to submit complaints to judicial

authorities without censorship. Courts sometimes declined to hear such

complaints.

The law permits prisoners to have visitors. According to the Anti-Terrorism

Proclamation (ATP), a lawyer is permitted to visit only one client per day, and

only on Wednesdays and Fridays. Authorities allegedly denied family members

access to persons charged with terrorist activity. There were also reports

authorities denied the accused visits with lawyers or with representatives of the

political parties to which they belonged. In some cases police did not allow

pretrial detainees access to visitors, including family members and legal counsel.

After the September 3 fire in the federal prison at Kilinto, attorneys reported

visitation for several prisoners was restricted to closely prison visits by family

members only. Conversations could not touch on subjects such as trials, politics,

and allegations of abuse. This was reported in the prisons in Kilinto, Shewa Robit,

and Ziway. These restrictions also applied to political prisoners.

Officials permitted religious observance by prisoners, but this varied by prison, and

even by section within a prison, at the discretion of prison management. There

were allegations authorities denied detainees adequate locations in which to pray.

Prisoners could voice complaints regarding prison conditions or treatment to the

presiding judge during their trials.

Independent Monitoring: During the year the International Committee of the Red

Cross visited prisons throughout the country as part of its normal activities. The

government did not permit access to prisons by other international human rights

organizations.

Regional authorities had allowed government and NGO representatives to meet

with prisoners without third parties present. By September such allowances were

severely curtailed, however. Prison officials reportedly denied access to prisoners

for civil society representatives and family members, including in undisclosed

locations. The government-established EHRC, which is funded by parliament and

subject to parliamentary oversight, monitored federal and regional detention

centers and interviewed prison officials and prisoners in response to allegations of

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widespread human rights abuses. An NGO continued to have access to various

prison and detention facilities around the country.

Improvements: The government constructed two new prisons.

d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention

The constitution and law prohibit arbitrary arrest and detention; however, the state

of emergency regulations allowed law enforcement to arrest and detain individuals

without a court warrant. There were thousands of reports of arbitrary arrest and

detention related to protests. Security forces arbitrarily arrested and detained

protesters, professors, university students, musicians, businesspersons, health

workers, journalists, children, and others. Security forces went door-to-door after

protests to conduct arrests and arbitrarily detained opposition party members and

supporters, accusing them of inciting violence.

Role of the Police and Security Apparatus

The Federal Police report to the Office of the Prime Minister and are subject to

parliamentary oversight. The oversight was loose. Each of the nine regions has a

state or special police force that reports to regional civilian authorities. Local

militias operated across the country in loose and varying coordination with

regional and federal police and the military. In some cases these militias

functioned as extensions of the ruling party. The military played a significant role

in responding to the protests. The constitution provides for the military to perform

duties assigned to it under a state of emergency.

Impunity remained a serious problem, including impunity for killings of and

violence against protesters. The internal mechanisms used to investigate abuses by

federal police were not known. On June 10, the government-established Ethiopian

Human Rights Commission reported to parliament on the protests, stating it

confirmed 173 deaths in Oromia, including 28 security force members and

officials, and asserted security forces used appropriate force there. The EHRC also

asserted Amhara regional state special security had used excessive force against

the Kemant community in Amhara Region. The commission did not publicly

release its report. The government rarely publicly disclosed the results of

investigations into abuses by local security forces, such as arbitrary detention and

beatings of civilians.

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The government continued to support human rights training for police and army

personnel. It continued to accept assistance from NGOs and the EHRC to improve

and professionalize its human rights training and curriculum by including more

material on the constitution and international human rights treaties and

conventions.

Arrest Procedures and Treatment of Detainees

The constitution and law require detainees be brought to court and charged within

48 hours of arrest or as soon thereafter as local circumstances and communications

permit. Travel time to the court is not included in the 48-hour period. With a

warrant, authorities may detain persons suspected of serious offenses for 14 days

without charge and for additional and renewable 14-day periods if an investigation

continues. The courts allowed security officials to continue investigations for

more than 14 days without bringing formal charges against suspects.

Under the ATP police may request to detain persons without charge for 28-day

periods, up to a maximum of four months, while an investigation is conducted.

The law permits warrantless arrests for various offenses including “flagrant

offenses.” These include offenses in which the suspect was found committing the

offense, attempting to commit the offense, or just completing the offense. The

ATP permits a warrantless arrest when police reasonably suspect a person has

committed or is committing a terrorist act.

The law prohibits detention in any facility other than an official detention center;

however, local militias and other formal and informal law enforcement entities

used an unknown number of unofficial local detention centers. As part of the

government’s response to the protests, persons also were detained in military

facilities.

A functioning bail system was in place. Bail was not available for persons charged

with terrorism, murder, treason, and corruption. In most cases authorities set bail

between 500 and 10,000 birr ($22 and $444), which most citizens could not afford.

The government provided public defenders for detainees unable to afford private

legal counsel but only when cases went to court. There were reports that while

some detainees were in pretrial detention, authorities allowed them little or no

contact with legal counsel, did not provide full information on their health status,

and did not allow family visits. There were reports officials held some prisoners

incommunicado for weeks at a time, and civilians were also placed under house

arrest for an undisclosed period of time.

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The constitution requires authorities under a state of emergency to announce the

names of detainees within one month of their arrest. In practice, the names of

those detained under the state of emergency were generally announced. The names

were not always made available within 30 days and civilians were not always able

to locate the rosters of names of those imprisoned.

Arbitrary Arrest: Authorities regularly detained persons arbitrarily, including

protesters, journalists, and opposition party members. There were thousands of

reports of arbitrary arrest by security forces in response to protests. The March 14

HRCO report listed 84 individuals under “illegal detention,” with four having

subsequently been released.

On March 8, authorities detained 20 students from Addis Ababa University and

charged them under the criminal code with inciting the public through false

rumors, holding an illegal demonstration, and encouraging the public to disobey

the ATP. On August 1, the Federal First Instance Court acquitted nine of the

students and reduced the charges against the 11 others, whose trial continued at

year’s end.

The government continued to arbitrarily arrest journalists and those who express

views that oppose the government (see section 2.a.). On March 3, federal police

temporarily detained a foreign correspondent, a freelance journalist, and their

translator near Awash Town. Police reportedly took their phones and

identification cards and then escorted them back to Addis Ababa. On March 4,

authorities released them without giving any explanation for their detention.

In December 2015 police arrested and detained former Blue Party spokesperson

Yonatan Tesfaye. On May 4, the federal attorney general charged Yonatan with

incitement of terrorism through posts under a pseudonym on Facebook, citing

article 4 of the ATP. The court hearing the trial changed the charges to article 6,

which pertains to encouragement of terrorism and carries a lesser sentence.

Yonatan’s trial continued at year’s end.

There were developments in the case of three individuals detained in March 2015

at Bole International Airport while on the way to Nairobi. In mid-November a

court reduced the charges against Omot Agwa Okwoy to the criminal code and

dropped the charges against Ashinie Astin Titoyk, and Jemal Oumar Hojele, who

were both released.

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Pretrial Detention: Some detainees reported being held for several years without

charge or trial. The percentage of the inmate population in pretrial detention and

average length of time held was not available. Lengthy legal procedures, large

numbers of detainees, judicial inefficiency, and staffing shortages contributed to

frequent trial delays. The state of emergency regulations allow authorities to

detain a person without a court order until the end of the state of emergency.

Detainee’s Ability to Challenge Lawfulness of Detention before a Court: The law

provides for detainees to be informed of the nature of their arrest. It also provides

persons accused or charged of a crime the ability to appeal. During the year there

were no reported cases of a court ruling that a person was unlawfully detained.

The law does not provide for persons who are unlawfully detained to receive

compensation.

Amnesty: In September, in keeping with a long-standing tradition of issuing

pardons at the Ethiopian New Year, the government released more than 12,000

prisoners, including prisoners convicted under the ATP such as Abubeker Ahmed

Mohamed and other members of the Muslim Arbitration Committee. Of those,

757 were released from federal prisons and more than 11,000 from regional

prisons.

e. Denial of Fair Public Trial

The law provides for an independent judiciary. Although the civil courts operated

with a large degree of independence, criminal courts remained weak,

overburdened, and subject to political influence. The constitution recognizes both

religious and traditional or customary courts.

Trial Procedures

By law accused persons have the right to a fair public trial “without undue delay”;

a presumption of innocence; the right to legal counsel of their choice; the right to

appeal; the right not to self-incriminate; and the right to present witnesses and

evidence in their defense, cross-examine prosecution witnesses, and access

government-held evidence. In practice, however, detainees did not always enjoy

all these rights, and as a result, defense attorneys were sometimes unprepared to

provide an adequate defense. Defendants were not always presumed innocent, able

to communicate with an attorney of their choice, provided timely free

interpretation as necessary from the moment charged through all appeals, or

provided access to government-held evidence. Defendants were often unaware of

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the specific charges against them until the commencement of their trials. There

were reports of detainees being subjected to torture and other abuse while in

detention to obtain information or confessions.

The federal Public Defender’s Office provided legal counsel to indigent

defendants, but scope and quality of service were inadequate due to the shortage of

attorneys, who in some cases may individually handle more than 100 cases and

many more individual clients at the same time. Numerous free legal aid clinics,

based primarily at universities, provided services. In certain areas of the country,

the law allows volunteers, such as law students and professors, to represent clients

in court on a pro bono basis.

Many citizens residing in rural areas had little access to formal judicial systems

and relied on traditional mechanisms for resolving conflict. By law all parties to a

dispute must agree to use a traditional or religious court before such a court may

hear a case, and either party may appeal to a regular court at any time. Sharia

(Islamic law) courts may hear religious and family cases involving Muslims if both

parties agree to use a sharia court before going to trial. Sharia courts received

some funding from the government and adjudicated a majority of cases in Somali

and Afar regions, which are predominantly Muslim. Other traditional systems of

justice, such as councils of elders, continued to function. Some women stated they

lacked access to free and fair hearings in the traditional court system because local

custom excluded them from participation in councils of elders and because of

strong gender discrimination in rural areas.

Political Prisoners and Detainees

The number of political prisoners and detainees at years’ end was not known. The

government detained journalists and political opposition members.

Police arrested Bekele Gerba, deputy chairman of recognized political party the

Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), and 21 others in November and December

2015. On April 22, the attorney general charged them under the ATP. Authorities

reportedly mistreated Bekele and others, including denying adequate medical care

and access to visitors, including legal counsel. Their trial continued at year’s end.

Police arrested other leaders and members of political parties during the year,

including Merera Gudina on November 30 (see also section 3, Elections and

Political Participation, Political Parties and Political Participation).

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There were further updates in the cases of 10 persons including opposition party

leaders and others whom police detained in 2014. On May 10, the Federal High

Court sentenced Zelalem Workagegnehu to five years and four months in prison,

Tesfaye Teferi to three years and 11 months, and Solomon Girma to three years

and seven months in prison. The other two defendants in the same trial, Yonatan

Wolde and Bahiru Degu, were acquitted and released on April 15. Separately, the

prosecution appealed the August 2015 Federal High Court acquittal of Habtamu

Ayalew, Yeshiwas Assefa, Daniel Shibeshi, Abraha Desta, and Abraham Solomon.

On December 2, the Supreme Court upheld the High Court’s acquittal of Habtamu

Ayalew, Yeshiwas Assefa, and Abraham Solomon but remanded to the High Court

the cases of Daniel Shibeshi and Abraha Desta.

There were also developments in cases of the Zone 9 blogging collective. In

October 2015 the Federal High Court acquitted Natnael Feleke, Atnaf Berahane,

Abel Wabella, and Soleyana Shimeles Gebremichael (in absentia) and reduced the

charges against Befekadu Hailu. The prosecution’s appeal of the acquittals

continued at the Supreme Court, and the Federal High Court continued to hear the

trial of Befekadu Hailu. On October 4, Natnael Feleke was arrested again. He was

later released on bail and charged with “inciting the public through false rumors”

in relation to having made critical remarks regarding the government during a

private conversation at a restaurant. On November 11, authorities arrested

Befekadu Hailu again. On December 21, he was released without charge.

Civil Judicial Procedures and Remedies

The law provides citizens the right to appeal human rights violations in civil court.

Citizens did not file any such case during the year.

f. Arbitrary or Unlawful Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or

Correspondence

The law generally requires authorities to obtain court-issued search warrants prior

to searching private property, however, after the state of emergency, prior court

approval for searches was suspended. In an amendment to the state of emergency

provisions, security officials had to provide a reason, an official identification card,

and be accompanied by someone from the community before conducting a search.

The law also recognizes exceptions for “hot pursuit,” in which a suspect enters

premises or disposes of items that are the subject of an offense committed on the

premises, and when police have reasonable suspicion evidence of a crime

punishable by more than three years of imprisonment is concealed on or in the

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property and that a delay in obtaining a search warrant would allow the evidence to

be removed. Moreover, the ATP permits warrantless searches of a person or

vehicle when authorized by the director general of the Federal Police or his

designee or a police officer has reasonable suspicion a terrorist act may be

committed and deems a sudden search necessary.

Opposition political party leaders and journalists reported suspicions of telephone

tapping, other electronic eavesdropping, and surveillance, and they alleged

government agents attempted to lure them into illegal acts by calling and

pretending to be representatives of groups–designated by parliament as terrorist

organizations–interested in making financial donations.

The government reportedly used a widespread system of paid informants to report

on the activities of particular individuals. Opposition members, journalists, and

athletes reported ruling party operatives and militia members made intimidating

and unwelcome visits to their homes and offices and intimidated family members.

These included entry into and searches of homes without a warrant.

There were reports authorities dismissed opposition members from their jobs and

that those not affiliated with the EPRDF sometimes had trouble receiving the

“support letters” from their kebeles (neighborhoods or wards) necessary to get

employment (see section 3, Political Parties and Political Participation).

Security forces continued to detain family members of persons sought for

questioning by the government.

The national and regional governments continued to implement the policy of

Accelerated Development (informally known as “villagization”) plans in the Afar,

Benishangul-Gumuz, Gambella, the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’,

Oromia, and Somali regions, which might include resettlement. These plans

involved relocation by regional governments of scattered rural populations from

arid or semiarid lands vulnerable to recurring droughts into designated

communities closer to water, services, and infrastructure. The stated purposes of

accelerated development were to improve the provision of government services

(health care, education, and clean water), protect vulnerable communities from

natural disasters and attacks, and change environmentally destructive patterns of

shifting cultivation. Some observers alleged the purpose was to enable large-scale

leasing of land for commercial agriculture. The government described the program

as strictly voluntary. The government had scheduled to conclude the program in

2015, but decided to continue it.

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International donors reported assessments from more than 18 visits to villagization

sites since 2011 did not corroborate allegations of systematic, grave human rights

violations. They found delays in establishing promised infrastructure and

inadequate compensation. Communities and families appeared to have agreed to

move based on assurances from authorities of food aid, health and education

services, and land; some communities were moved before adequate basic services

such as water pumps and shelter were in place in the new locations. Follow-up

visits suggested the government had done little to improve consultations with

affected communities, and communities were not fully informed when consenting

to cede their rights for land projects.

Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:

a. Freedom of Speech and Press

The constitution and law provide for freedom of speech and press, however the

state of emergency regulations included restrictions on these rights. Authorities

harassed, arrested, detained, charged, and prosecuted journalists and others

perceived as critical of the government, creating an environment of self-
censorship.

Freedom of Speech and Expression: The state of emergency regulations contained

several prohibitions that restricted freedom of speech and expression and resulted

in detention or disappearance of numerous independent voices. The regulations

prohibited any covert or overt agitation and communication that could incite

violence and unrest (interpreted to include the popular Oromo protest sign of

raising crossed arms over one’s head), any communication with designated

terrorist groups or antipeace forces, storing and disseminating text, storing and

promoting emblems of terrorist groups, incitement in sermons and teaching in

religious institutions to induce fear or incite conflict, speech that could incite

attacks based on identity or ethnicity, exchange of information by any individual

with a foreign government in a manner that undermines national sovereignty and

security, and any political parties from briefing journalists in a manner that is

anticonstitutional and undermines sovereignty and security. Individuals self-
censored as a result of these prohibitions.

Authorities arrested, detained, and harassed persons for criticizing the government.

NGOs reported cases of torture of individuals critical of the government. The

government attempted to impede criticism through intimidation, including

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continued detention of journalists and those who express critical opinions online

and opposition activists, and monitoring of and interference in activities of political

opposition groups. Some feared authorities would retaliate against them for

discussing security force abuses. Authorities arrested and detained persons who

made statements publicly or privately deemed critical of the government under a

provision of the law pertaining to inciting the public through false rumors.

Press and Media Freedoms: The state of emergency prohibited listening to,

watching, or reporting information from Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT) and

Oromo Media Network.

Independent journalists reported problems using government printing presses.

Access to private printing presses was scarce to nonexistent.

In Addis Ababa, nine independent newspapers and magazines had a combined

weekly circulation of 70,711 copies. Four independent monthly and biweekly

magazines published in Amharic and English had a combined circulation of 21,500

copies. State-run newspapers had a combined circulation of 85,500 copies. Most

newspapers were printed on a weekly or biweekly basis, except state-owned

Amharic and English dailies and the privately run Daily Monitor. Addis Standard

magazine temporarily suspended the print edition of its publication soon after the

state of emergency was declared.

Government-controlled media closely reflected the views of the government and

ruling EPRDF. The government controlled the only television station that

broadcast nationally, which, along with radio, was the primary source of news for

much of the population. Six private FM radio stations broadcast in the capital, one

private radio station broadcast in the northern Tigray Region, and at least 19

community radio stations broadcast in the regions. State-run Ethiopian

Broadcasting Corporation had the largest broadcast range in the country, followed

by Fana Radio, which was reportedly affiliated with the ruling party.

The government periodically jammed foreign broadcasts. The law prohibits

political and religious organizations and foreigners from owning broadcast

stations.

Violence and Harassment: The government continued to arrest, harass, and

prosecute journalists. As of mid-December, at least 12 journalists remained in

detention.

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In December 2015 police detained Fikadu Mirkana, who worked as news anchor

and senior reporter for Oromia State TV. He was released in April.

In December 2015 authorities detained journalist Getachew Shiferaw, editor in

chief of a web-based opposition-affiliated newspaper. On May 19, authorities

charged him with terrorism and his trial continued at year’s end.

The trial of two journalists affiliated with Radio Bilal whom authorities arrested in

February 2015 and charged with terrorism continued at the Federal High Court.

Censorship or Content Restrictions: Government harassment caused journalists to

avoid reporting on sensitive topics. Many private newspapers reported informal

editorial control by the government through article placement requests and calls

from government officials concerning articles perceived as critical of the

government. Private sector and government journalists routinely practiced self-
censorship. Several journalists, both local and foreign, reported an increase in self-
censorship, especially after the October 8 implementation of the state of

emergency. The government reportedly pressured advertisers not to advertise in

publications that were critical of the government.

National Security: The government used the ATP to suppress criticism.

Journalists feared covering five groups designated by parliament as terrorist

organizations in 2011 (Ginbot 7, the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF),

the OLF, al-Qaida, and al-Shabaab), citing ambiguity on whether reporting on

these groups might be punishable under the law.

Internet Freedom

The government restricted and disrupted access to the internet. It periodically

blocked social media sites and internet access in areas of Oromia and Amhara

regions, especially during protests. At times the government blocked access

throughout the country. There were credible reports the government monitored

private online communications without appropriate legal authority. State-owned

Ethio Telecom was the only internet service provider in the country.

On June 7, parliament passed the Computer Crime Proclamation. There were

concerns its provisions were overly broad and could restrict freedom of speech and

expression. This included, for example, a provision that provides for

imprisonment for disseminating through a computer system any written, video,

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audio or any other picture that incites violence, chaos, or conflict among people,

and another provision that provides for a prison sentence for intimidation.

In July officials blocked social media sites for days across the country until the

national school examination concluded. The government stated blocking these

sites was necessary to provide for an “orderly exam process.” In May the national

exams were reportedly leaked on social media, causing the government to

postpone the exams.

On August 6 and 7, the government imposed a nationwide internet blackout.

The state of emergency regulations included prohibited agitation and

communication to incite violence and unrest through the internet, text messaging,

and social media.

Starting in early October, the government shut down mobile access to the internet

in Addis Ababa, most parts of Oromia Region, and other areas. Wired access to

several social media and communication sites were also denied. These included

social media sites, including Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, YouTube, Skype,

WhatsApp, and Viber, news websites such as the Washington Post and the New

York Times, and many other sites, including foreign university homepages and

online shopping sites such as Amazon.

The government periodically and increasingly restricted access to certain content

on the internet and blocked numerous websites, including blogs, opposition

websites, and websites of Ginbot 7, the OLF, and the ONLF, and news sites such

as al-Jazeera, the BBC, and RealClearPolitics. Several news blogs and websites

run by opposition diaspora groups were not accessible. These included Ethiopian

Review, Nazret, CyberEthiopia, Quatero Amharic Magazine, and the Ethiopian

Media Forum.

Authorities monitored telephone calls, text messages, and e-mails. Authorities

took steps to block access to Virtual Private Network providers that let users

circumvent government screening of internet browsing and e-mail. There were

reports such surveillance resulted in arrests. According to the International

Telecommunication Union, 11.6 percent of the population used the internet in

2015.

In March 2015 Citizen Lab, a Canadian research center at the University of

Toronto, reported on attempts in 2014 to infect the computers of U.S.-based

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employees of ESAT with spyware. ESAT is a diaspora-based television and radio

station. According to Citizen Lab, its research suggested involvement of the

government and that the attacker may have been the Ethiopian Information and

Network Security Agency.

Academic Freedom and Cultural Events

The government restricted academic freedom, including student enrollment,

teachers’ appointments, and curricula. Authorities frequently restricted speech,

expression, and assembly on university and high school campuses. The state of

emergency regulations prohibited strikes in educational institutions and closing

them or damaging property, gives authorities the power to order educational

institutions to take measures against any student or staff member who violates the

prohibitions in the regulations, and provides law enforcement the authority to enter

educational institutions and take measures to control strikes or protests.

The ruling party, via the Ministry of Education, continued to favor students loyal to

the party in assignment to postgraduate programs. Some university staff members

commented that students who joined the party received priority for employment in

all fields after graduation.

Authorities limited teachers’ ability to deviate from official lesson plans.

Numerous anecdotal reports suggested non-EPRDF members were more likely to

be transferred to undesirable posts and bypassed for promotions. There were

reports of teachers not affiliated with the EPRDF being summarily dismissed for

failure to attend party meetings. There continued to be a lack of transparency in

academic staffing decisions, with numerous complaints from academics alleging

bias based on party membership, ethnicity, or religion.

A separate Ministry of Education directive prohibits private universities from

offering degree programs in law and teacher education. The directive also requires

public universities to align their curriculum with the ministry’s policy of a 70/30

ratio between science and social science academic programs. As a result the

number of students studying social sciences and the humanities at public

institutions continued to decrease; private universities focused heavily on the social

sciences.

Reports indicated a pattern of surveillance and arbitrary arrests of Oromo

university students based on suspicion of their holding dissenting opinions or

participation in peaceful demonstrations. According to reports there was an

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intense buildup of security forces (uniformed and plainclothes) embedded on

university campuses preceding student protests, especially in Oromia, and in

response to student demonstrations.

b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association

Freedom of Assembly

The constitution and law provide for freedom of assembly; the state of emergency

regulations, however, prohibited demonstrations and town hall meetings that did

not have approval from the command post, the entity that oversees the state of

emergency. The government did not respect freedom of assembly and killed,

injured, detained, and arrested numerous protesters throughout the year (see also

sections 1.a., 1.b., 1.c., 1.d., and 1.e.). The majority of protests were in Oromia

and Amhara regions. On August 13, HRW reported an estimate that security

forces killed more than 500 protesters since November 2015. On January 21 and

October 10, UN experts called on the government to end the “crackdown on

peaceful protests.” The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights requested

access to the regions, which the government did not provide. On November 9,

Amnesty international estimated at least 800 had been killed.

On August 6 and 7, security forces reportedly killed approximately 100 persons in

response to simultaneous demonstrations in major cities and towns across Oromia

and Amhara regions (see section 1.a).

On October 2, dozens were reportedly killed at a religious festival in Bishoftu.

Security forces’ response to agitation in the crowd, including the use of teargas and

firing into the air, reportedly led to a stampede that left many dead. On October 7,

the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) called for

an investigation and urged the government allow independent observers access to

Oromia and Amhara regions. On October 10, a group of UN human rights experts

highlighted the October 2 events and urged the government to allow an

international commission of inquiry to investigate the protests and violence used

against protesters since November 2015. The government-established EHRC

conducted an investigation into the incident. The results of that investigation were

unknown.

Prior to the state of emergency, organizers of public meetings of more than two

persons or demonstrations had to notify the government 48 hours in advance and

obtain a permit. Authorities could not refuse to grant a permit but could require

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the event be held at a different time or place for reasons of public safety or

freedom of movement. If authorities determined an event should be held at

another time or place, the law required organizers be notified in writing within 12

hours of the time of submission of their request. After the state of emergency,

prior-issued permits were deemed invalid.

Prior to the state of emergency, the government denied some requests by

opposition political parties to hold protests but approved others. Opposition party

organizers alleged government interference in most cases, and authorities required

several of the protests be moved to different dates or locations from those the

organizers requested. Protest organizers alleged the government’s claims of

needing to move the protests based on public safety concerns were not credible.

Local government officials, almost all of whom were affiliated with the EPRDF,

controlled access to municipal halls, and there were many complaints from

opposition parties that local officials denied or otherwise obstructed the scheduling

of opposition parties’ use of halls for lawful political rallies. There were numerous

credible reports owners of hotels and other large facilities cited internal rules

forbidding political parties from utilizing their spaces for gatherings. Regional

governments, including the Addis Ababa regional administration, were reluctant to

grant permits or provide security for large meetings. After the state of emergency,

the prohibition on unauthorized demonstrations or town hall meetings limited the

organization of meetings, training sessions, and other gatherings. For example,

members of at least one opposition political party reported they were prevented

from having a four-person meeting.

Freedom of Association

Although the law provides for freedom of association and the right to engage in

unrestricted peaceful political activity, the government severely limited this right

(see sections 3 and 5).

The state of emergency and the accompanying regulations restricted the ability of

organizations to operate (see also section 5). The prohibitions relating to

communication and acts that undermine tolerance and unity resulted in self-
censorship of reports and public statements. The prohibition on unauthorized town

hall meetings limited the organization of meetings, training sessions, and other

gatherings. The prohibition on exchanging information or contact with a foreign

government or NGOs in a manner that undermines national sovereignty and

security reduced communication between local organizations and international

organizations and others.

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The state of emergency regulations also prohibited any political party “from

briefing local or foreign journalists in a manner that is anticonstitutional and

undermining sovereignty and security.”

The Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSO) law bans anonymous donations to

NGOs. All potential donors were therefore aware their names would be public

knowledge. The same was true concerning all donations made to political parties.

A 2012 report by the UN special rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful

assembly and association stated, “The enforcement of these (the CSO law)

provisions has a devastating impact on individuals’ ability to form and operate

associations effectively.”

International NGOs seeking to operate in the country had to submit an application

via the country’s embassies abroad, which the Ministry of Foreign Affairs then

submitted to the Charities and Societies Agency for approval.

c. Freedom of Religion

See the Department of State’s International Religious Freedom Report at

www.state.gov/religiousfreedomreport/.

d. Freedom of Movement, Internally Displaced Persons, Protection of

Refugees, and Stateless Persons

Although the law provides for freedom of internal movement, foreign travel,

emigration, and repatriation, the state of emergency regulations restricted internal

movement. The government also restricted freedom of internal movement and

foreign travel.

The government cooperated with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for

Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in providing protection

and assistance to internally displaced persons (IDPs), refugees, returning refugees,

asylum seekers, stateless persons, and other persons of concern. At times

authorities or armed groups limited the ability of humanitarian organizations to

operate in areas of insecurity, such as on the country’s borders.

In-country Movement: The state of emergency regulations prohibited diplomats

from travelling more than 25 miles outside of Addis Ababa without prior

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United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor

notification to and approval from the command post. The government lifted this

restriction in early November. Security concerns forced a temporary halt of

deliveries of food and other humanitarian assistance in limited areas in Amhara

and Oromia regions.

Foreign Travel: A 2013 ban on unskilled workers travelling to the Middle East for

employment continued. The ban did not affect citizens travelling for investment or

other business reasons. The government stated it issued the ban to prevent

harassment, intimidation, and trauma suffered by those working abroad,

particularly in the Middle East, as domestic employees.

There were several reports of authorities restricting foreign travel, similar to the

following case: On March 23, National Intelligence and Security Service officials

at Bole International Airport in Addis Ababa prevented Merera Gudina, chairman

of the OFC, from departing the country. On June 15, Merera was permitted to

leave. Authorities arrested him on December 1.

Authorities restricted travel of persons in the Zone 9 case. For example, authorities

confiscated blogger Zelalem Kibret’s passport in November 2015 and prevented

him from boarding his international flight. Airport security officials said he could

not leave the country because he had previously been arrested. Authorities

returned Zelalem’s passport on June 1, and he was later permitted to travel abroad.

Exile: As in past years, citizens including journalists and others remained abroad

in self-imposed exile due to fear of government retribution should they return.

Internally Displaced Persons

According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), there were

684,064 IDPs between August 2015 and August, including protracted and new

cases, many of them due to the impact of the El Nino weather phenomenon. This

was an increase compared with previous years.

Of the IDPs, 397,296 were displaced by flooding and conflict while 188,244 were

displaced due to the effects of the drought related to El Nino. Another 33,300 were

displaced due to resource-based competition. Most of those affected by El Nino

returned to their places of origin.

IOM estimated 657, 224 individuals were considered “protracted IDPs,” meaning

they lacked durable solutions such as local integration, internal resettlement, or

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return to home. The reasons for protracted displacements included interclan and

cross-border conflict, natural disasters, political or community considerations in

IDP resettlements, and lack of resettlement resources. Of these IDPs, 283,092

resided in Somali Region; 148,482 in Afar; 144,295 in Oromia; 47,950 in the

Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region; 13,245 in Amhara; 2,290 in

Dire Dawa; and 2,055 in Harar. An additional 15,815 individuals displaced by

flooding were still on the move and thus could not be attributed to any one region.

IOM reported in August 41,316 individuals or 7,844 households were internally

displaced in Amhara, Oromia, and Somali regions, due to conflict and flooding.

From August 24 through mid-September, approximately 8,000 individuals moved

from Amhara Region to northwestern Tigray Region. Many of the IDPs cited as

the reason for their departure recent conflicts in the region and a generalized sense

they could be targeted because of their ethnicity (Tigrayan). The federal

government allocated six million birr ($266,361) to Tigray Region for the IDP

response. The funds were distributed among Hemera, Axum, Mekele, and Shire,

which were the towns with the greatest IDP influx. The largest volume of arrivals

was in Shire, which received 2.6 million birr ($115,423) of the region’s total. The

federal government established a committee led by the Tigray Regional

Agriculture Department to seek permanent integration options for the IDPs.

The IOM estimated an April 15 attack in Gambella Region by Murle ethnic group

from South Sudan displaced more than 21,000 individuals (see section 6, Other

Societal Violence or Discrimination).

The government, through the Disaster Risk Management Food Security Sector

(DRMFSS), continued to play an active role in delivering humanitarian assistance

to IDPs. Federal and local DRMFSS officials coordinated with IOM and its

partners in monitoring IDP populations.

Protection of Refugees

Access to Asylum: The law provides for granting of asylum or refugee status, and

the government has established a system for providing protection to refugees. The

state of emergency regulations prohibited entering the country without a visa.

According to UNHCR, the country hosted 743,732 refugees as of August. The

majority of refugees were from South Sudan (281,612) and Somalia (254,277),

with others from Eritrea (161,615), Sudan (39,317), and other countries. There

were 1,554 registered Yemeni asylum seekers.

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United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor

UNHCR, the Administration for Refugee and Returnee Affairs, and humanitarian

agencies continued to care for Sudanese arrivals fleeing from conflict in Sudan’s

Blue Nile State, averaging 1,500 new arrivals per month, according to UNHCR.

The government also extended support to asylum seekers from South Sudan,

mostly arriving from Upper Nile and Unity states. Persistent conflict and food

insecurity prompted the flow of South Sudanese refugees into the country; there

were an estimated 2,712 arrivals during August.

Eritrean asylum seekers continued to arrive. Approximately 23 percent were

unaccompanied minors. Many who arrived regularly departed for secondary

migration through Egypt and Sudan to go to Europe and other final destinations.

Freedom of movement: The state of emergency regulations prohibited leaving

refugee camps without permission from an authorized body. The government

continued a policy that allowed some Eritrean refugees to live outside a camp. The

government gave such permission primarily for persons to attend higher-education

institutions, undergo medical treatment, or avoid security threats at the camps.

Employment: The government does not grant refugees work permits.

Durable Solutions: The government welcomed refugees to settle in the country but

did not offer a path to citizenship or provide integration. The government

supported a policy allowing some refugees to live outside camps and engage in

informal livelihoods. Refugee students who passed the required tests could attend

university with fees paid by the government and UNHCR.

Section 3. Freedom to Participate in the Political Process

The constitution and law provide citizens the ability to choose their government in

free and fair periodic elections held by secret ballot and based on universal and

equal suffrage. The ruling party’s electoral advantages, however, limited this

ability.

Elections and Political Participation

Recent Elections: In May 2015 the country held national elections for the House

of People’s Representatives, the country’s parliamentary body. In October 2015

parliament re-elected Hailemariam Desalegn prime minister.

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United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor

In the May 2015 national parliamentary elections, the EPRDF and affiliated parties

won all 547 seats, giving the party a fifth consecutive five-year term. Government

restrictions severely limited independent observation of the vote. The African

Union was the sole international organization permitted to observe the elections.

Opposition party observers accused local police of interference, harassment, and

extrajudicial detention. Independent journalists reported little trouble covering the

election, including reports from polling stations. Some independent journalists

reported receiving their observation credentials the day before the election, after

having submitted proper and timely applications. Six rounds of broadcast debates

preceded the elections, and for the most part they were broadcast in full and only

slightly edited. The debates included all major political parties. Several laws,

regulations, and procedures implemented since the 2005 national elections created

a clear advantage for the EPRDF throughout the electoral process. In addition the

“first past the post” provision, or 50 percent plus one vote required to win a seat in

parliament, as stipulated in the constitution, contributed to EPRDF’s advantage in

the electoral process. There were reports of unfair government tactics, including

intimidation of opposition candidates and supporters. Various reports confirmed at

least six election-related deaths during the period before and immediately

following the elections. The National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) is

politically dependent on the prime minister, and there is no opportunity for

nonruling political parties to have a say in its decisions concerning party

registration and candidate qualification. NEBE has sole responsibility for voter

education and broadcast radio segments and distributed manuals on voter

education in many local languages.

In a preliminary election assessment, the African Union called the elections “calm,

peaceful, and credible” and applauded the government for its registration efforts.

It raised concerns, however, regarding the legal framework underpinning the

election. NEBE registered more than 35 million voters, and did not report any

incidents of unfair voter registration practices.

Political Parties and Political Participation: The government, controlled by the

EPRDF, unduly restricted political parties and members of certain ethnic groups,

particularly the Amhara and Oromo, who stated they lacked genuine political

representation at the federal level. The state of emergency regulations restricted

political parties’ ability to operate. For example, the regulations prohibit any

political party “from briefing local or foreign journalists in a manner that is

anticonstitutional and undermining sovereignty and security.”

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Authorities arrested and prosecuted political opposition members including under

allegations of terrorism (see section 1.e., Political Prisoners). Government officials

alleged many members of legitimate Oromo opposition parties were secretly OLF

members and, more broadly, that members of many opposition parties had ties to

Ginbot 7.

The OFC reported that authorities have kept OFC general secretary Bekele Nega

under house arrest since December 30, 2015. Security personnel reportedly told

him not to leave his house in Addis Ababa, use his phone, or give any interviews to

media. Authorities also arrested other OFC leaders and members including Merera

Gudina and Bekele Gerba (see section 1.e., Denial of Fair Public Trial, Political

Prisoners and Detainees).

On October 11, authorities arrested Blen Mesfin and three other members of the

registered Blue (Semayawi) Party. Blen Mesfin was charged with “inciting the

public through false rumors.” Authorities ordered her release on bail. On the day

scheduled for her release, authorities rearrested and detained her without charge.

She was released on December 21, although it was unclear whether she still faced

charges.

Constituent parties of the EPRDF conferred advantages upon their members; the

parties directly owned many businesses and were broadly perceived to award jobs

and business contracts to loyal supporters. Several opposition parties reported

difficulty in renting homes or buildings in which to open offices, citing visits by

EPRDF members to the property owners to persuade or threaten them not to rent

property to these parties. There were reports authorities terminated the

employment of teachers and other government workers who belonged to

opposition political parties. According to Oromo opposition groups, the Oromia

regional government continued to threaten to dismiss opposition party members,

particularly teachers, from their jobs. There were reports unemployed youths not

affiliated with the ruling coalition sometimes had trouble receiving the “support

letters” from their wards necessary to get jobs.

Registered political parties must receive permission from regional governments to

open and occupy local offices. Opposition parties reported difficulty acquiring the

required permissions for regional offices, adversely affecting their ability to

organize and campaign. Laws requiring parties to report “public meetings” and

obtain permission for public rallies were also used to inhibit opposition activities.

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United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor

Participation of Women and Minorities: No laws prevented women or minorities

from voting or participating in political life, although highly patriarchal customs in

some regions limited female participation in political life. Women were

significantly underrepresented in both elected and appointed positions. As of the

October change in cabinet assignments, women held three of the 22 federal

government ministerial positions, including one of three deputy prime minister

positions, and also held 212 of 547 seats in the national parliament. The Tigray

Regional Council included the highest proportion of women nationwide, at 50

percent (76 of the 152 seats).

The government’s policy of ethnic federalism led to the creation of individual

constituencies intended to provide for representation of all major ethnic groups in

the House of Federation (one of the two chambers of parliament). There were

more than 80 ethnic groups, and small groups lacked representation in the other

chamber of parliament, the House of People’s Representatives.

Section 4. Corruption and Lack of Transparency in Government

The law provides criminal penalties for corruption by officials. Despite the

government’s prosecution of some officials for corruption, many officials

continued to engage in corrupt practices with impunity. Although the government

cited fighting corruption as a high priority in its public statements, there were

perceptions corruption increased in the government.

Corruption: Corruption, especially the solicitation of bribes, including police and

judicial corruption, remained problems. Some government officials were thought

to manipulate the land allocation process, and state- and party-owned businesses

received preferential access to land leases and credit. The federal attorney general

was mandated to investigate and prosecute corruption cases.

The government attributed some of the unrest in Oromia to corruption. For

example, on June 9, authorities detained Zelalem Jemaneh, former head of the

Oromia Regional State Agriculture Bureau with the rank of deputy chief

administrator, on allegations of corruption.

The trial of Wondimu Biratu Kena’a, former head of the Revenues Bureau of

Oromia Region who was arrested in August 2015 on allegations of grand

corruption and embezzlement, continued at year’s end.

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On May 17, the High Court sentenced former intelligence deputy chief

Woldeselassie Woldemichael, who authorities arrested in 2013, to 10 years in

prison and a fine of 50,000 birr ($2,220) after convicting him of abuse of power

and generation of wealth from unknown sources.

Financial Disclosure: The law requires all government officials and employees to

register their wealth and personal property. The law includes financial and

criminal sanctions for noncompliance. The president and prime minister registered

their assets. The Federal Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (FEACC)

reported it registered the assets of 26,584 appointees, officials, and employees

between July 2015 and April. The commission also carried out reregistration of

previously registered assets in the stated period. As of November 2015, 95,000

officials had registered their assets as required by law.

The FEACC held financial disclosure records. By law any person who seeks

access to these records may make a request in writing; access to information on

family assets may be restricted unless the FEACC deems the disclosure necessary.

Public Access to Information: The law provides for public access to government

information, but access was largely restricted. The law includes a narrow list of

exceptions outlining the grounds for nondisclosure. Responses generally must be

made within 30 days of a written request, and fees may not exceed the actual cost

of responding to the request. The law includes mechanisms for punishing officials

for noncompliance, as well as appeal mechanisms for review of disclosure denials.

Information on the number of disclosures or denials during the year was not

available.

The government publishes laws and regulations in its national gazette, known as

the Federal Negarit Gazeta, prior to their taking effect. The Government

Communications Affairs Office managed contacts between the government, the

press, and the public; the private press reported the government rarely responded to

its queries.

Section 5. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and

Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights

A few domestic human rights groups operated but with significant government

restrictions. The government was generally distrustful and wary of domestic and

international human rights groups and observers. State-controlled media were

critical of international human rights groups such as HRW.

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United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor

The CSO law prohibits charities, societies, and associations (NGOs or CSOs) that

receive more than 10 percent of their funding from foreign sources from engaging

in activities that advance human and democratic rights or promote equality of

nations, nationalities, peoples, genders, and religions; the rights of children and

persons with disabilities; conflict resolution or reconciliation; or the efficiency of

justice and law enforcement services. The law severely curtails civil society’s

ability to raise questions of good governance, human rights, corruption, and

transparency and forced many local and international NGOs working on those

issues to either cease advocacy, or reregister and focus on activities other than

rights-based advocacy.

Some human rights defender organizations continued to register either as local

charities, meaning they could not raise more than 10 percent of their funds from

foreign donors but could act in the specified areas, or as resident charities, which

allowed foreign donations above 10 percent but prohibited advocacy activities in

those areas.

The state of emergency and the accompanying regulations restricted the ability of

organizations to operate. The prohibitions relating to communication and acts that

undermine tolerance and unity resulted in self-censorship of reports and public

statements. The prohibition on unauthorized town hall meetings limited the

organization of meetings, training sessions, and other gatherings. The prohibition

on exchanging information or contact with a foreign government or NGOs in a

manner that undermines national sovereignty and security reduced communication

between local organizations and international organizations and others. Curfews in

certain areas impeded human rights investigations. The obligation of all

organizations to give information when asked by law enforcement raised concerns

regarding confidentiality of information.

In July, August, and October, authorities arrested seven members of HRCO. On

October 23, authorities dispersed a fundraising event celebrating HRCO’s 25th

anniversary. Authorities claimed the organization did not seek additional approval

from the command post for the gathering, though it had sought and received

approval for the event prior to the start of the state of emergency. As of November

27, at least three members of HRCO remained in detention.

The government denied most NGOs access to federal prisons, police stations, and

undisclosed places of detention. The government permitted a local NGO that has

an exemption enabling it to raise unlimited funds from foreign sources and to

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United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor

engage in human rights advocacy to visit prisoners. Some NGOs played a positive

role in improving prisoners’ chances for clemency.

Authorities limited access of human rights organizations, media, humanitarian

agencies, and diplomatic missions in certain areas.

The government continued to lack a clear policy on NGO access to sensitive areas,

leading regional government officials and military officials frequently to refer

requests for NGO access to the federal government. Officials required journalists

to register before entering certain regions or denied access. There were reports of

regional police or local militias blocking NGO access to particular locations on

particular days, citing security concerns.

The United Nations or Other International Bodies: The government did not

cooperate with requests for investigations from the OHCHR or UN experts. In

August the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights urged the government to

allow independent observers into Oromia and Amhara regions. The commissioner

reportedly said allegations of excessive use of force across the two regions must be

investigated. The government dismissed the request through its spokesperson,

who, on August 11, told an international media the United Nations was entitled to

its opinion, but the government was responsible for the safety of its own citizens.

The spokesperson stated the government would launch its own investigation. On

October 7, following the deaths at the religious festival in Bishoftu, the OHCHR

reiterated the request the government allow independent observers access to

Oromia and Amhara regions. On October 10, a group of UN human rights experts

urged the government to allow an international commission of inquiry to

investigate.

Requests from the UN special rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman, or

degrading treatment or punishment to visit the country remained unanswered.

Government Human Rights Bodies: The EHRC reportedly investigated hundreds

of human rights complaints, organized field investigations, conducted prison visits

to provide recommendations on improving prison conditions, and produced annual

and thematic reports. On June 10, the EHRC reported to parliament that it counted

173 deaths in Oromia, including 28 of security force members and officials, and

asserted security forces used appropriate there. The EHRC also asserted Amhara

regional state special security had used excessive force against the Kemant

community in Amhara Region. The commission did not publicly release its report.

The EHRC also investigated the September 3 fire in Kilinto prison. The

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United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor

commission operated 112 legal aid centers in collaboration with 22 universities and

two civil society organizations, the Ethiopian Women Lawyers’ Association, and

the Ethiopian Christian Lawyers Fellowship.

The Office of the Ombudsman has authority to investigate complaints of

administrative mismanagement by executive branch offices. From July 2015 to

June, the office received 2,849 complaints; the ombudsman opened investigations

into 1,231 (including 209 cases from the previous year) and referred 1,827 cases

outside its mandate to other offices. Of the 1,231 cases the office investigated, it

reported resolving 1,010 (82 percent); 221 remained pending. The majority of

complaints investigated dealt with land, administration of public service, delay in

service delivery, unjust decisions, social security, and access to information.

Section 6. Discrimination, Societal Abuses, and Trafficking in Persons

Women

Rape and Domestic Violence: The law criminalizes rape and provides for

penalties of five to 20 years’ imprisonment, depending on the severity of the case.

The law does not expressly address spousal rape. The government did not fully

enforce the law, partially due to widespread underreporting. Recent statistics on

the number of abusers prosecuted, convicted, or punished were not available.

Domestic violence is illegal, but government enforcement of laws was

inconsistent. Domestic violence, including spousal abuse, was a pervasive social

problem. Depending on the severity of damage inflicted, penalties range from

small fines to up to 15 years’ imprisonment.

Although women had recourse to police and the courts, societal norms and limited

infrastructure prevented many women from seeking legal redress, particularly in

rural areas. The government prosecuted offenders on a limited scale.

Domestic violence and rape cases often were delayed significantly and given low

priority. In the context of gender-based violence, significant gender gaps in the

justice system remained, due to poor documentation and inadequate investigation.

Gender-based violence against women and girls was underreported due to cultural

acceptance, shame, fear of reprisal, or a victim’s ignorance of legal protections.

“Child friendly” benches hear cases involving violence against children and

women. Police officers were required to receive domestic violence training from

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United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor

domestic NGOs and the Ministry of Women, Children, and Youth Affairs. There

was a commissioner for women and children’s affairs on the EHRC.

Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (FGM/C): FGM/C is illegal, but the

government did not actively enforce this prohibition or punish those who practiced

it. According to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), 74 percent of women and

girls had undergone FGM/C. The penal code criminalizes the practice of

clitoridectomy, with sentences of imprisonment of at least three months or a fine of

at least 500 birr ($22). Infibulation of the genitals is punishable by five to 10

years’ imprisonment. No criminal charges, however, have ever been filed for

FGM/C.

The prevalence of FGM/C was reportedly declining. UNICEF cited a 2011

Welfare Monitoring Survey as finding 23 percent of girls between birth and age 14

had undergone FGM/C. Although statistics on FGM/C varied, one report from

2013 cited Afar, Somali, and Dire Dawa regions as having the highest prevalence

of FGM/C. It was less common in urban areas.

The age at which FGM/C is performed depends on the ethnic group, type of

FGM/C performed, and region. In the north FGM/C tended to be performed

immediately after birth; in the south, where FGM/C is more closely associated with

marriage, it was performed later. Girls typically had clitoridectomies performed on

them seven days after birth (consisting of an excision of the clitoris, often with

partial labial excision) and infibulation (the most extreme and dangerous form of

FGM/C) at the onset of puberty. The government’s strategy was to discourage the

practice through education in public schools, the Health Extension Program, and

broader mass media campaigns rather than to prosecute offenders. International

bilateral donors and private organizations were active in community education

efforts to reduce the prevalence of FGM/C, following the government’s lead of

sensitization rather than legal enforcement.

Other Harmful Traditional Practices: Marriage by abduction is illegal, although it

continued in some regions despite the government’s attempts to combat the

practice. Forced sexual relationships accompanied most marriages by abduction,

and women often experienced physical abuse during the abduction. Abductions

led to conflicts among families, communities, and ethnic groups. In cases of

abduction, the perpetrator did not face punishment if the victim agreed to marry the

perpetrator.

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Sexual Harassment: Sexual harassment was widespread. The penal code

prescribes penalties of 18 to 24 months’ imprisonment, but authorities generally

did not enforce harassment laws.

Reproductive Rights: Individuals and couples generally have the right to decide

the number, spacing, and timing of their children; manage their reproductive

health; and to have access to the information and means to do so, free from

discrimination, coercion, or violence. Traditional practices such as marriage by

abduction in which forced sex occurred limited this right in practice. According to

a 2016 Demographic and Health Survey (DHS), the maternal mortality rate

declined to 412 deaths per 100,000 live births. An article surveying maternal

mortality listed obstructed labor/uterine rupture, hemorrhage, hypertensive

disorders of pregnancy, and sepsis/infection as the top four causes from 2000 to

2012. The 2016 DHS found a modern contraceptive prevalence rate of 35 percent

nationwide among married women and 55 percent among sexually active

unmarried women. For married women the rate increased compared with that

found in previous DHS surveys. According to the 2016 DHS, the percentage of

births delivered by a skilled attendant increased to 28 percent and those that

occurred in a health facility increased to 26 percent. Abortion is illegal but with

numerous exceptions. The incidence of illegal, unsafe abortions had declined since

legislation changed, which accounted in part for the drop in maternal mortality.

All maternal and child health services were provided free of charge in the public

sector; however, challenges persisted in accessing quality services in more remote

areas of the country due to transportation problems.

Discrimination: Discrimination against women was a problem and was most acute

in rural areas, where an estimated 80 percent of the population lived. The law

contains discriminatory regulations, such as the recognition of the husband as the

legal head of the family and the sole guardian of children more than five years old.

Courts generally did not consider domestic violence by itself a justification for

granting a divorce. Irrespective of the number of years a marriage existed, the

number of children raised, and joint property, the law entitled women to only three

months’ financial support if a relationship ended. There was limited legal

recognition of common-law marriage. A common-law husband had no obligation

to provide financial assistance to his family, and consequently women and children

sometimes faced abandonment. Traditional courts continued to apply customary

law in economic and social relationships.

The constitution states ownership of land and natural resources “is exclusively

vested in the State and in the peoples of Ethiopia.” Both men and women have

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land-use rights that they may pass on as an inheritance. Land law varies among

regions, however. All federal and regional land laws empower women to access

government land. Inheritance laws also enable widows to inherit joint property

they acquired during marriage.

In urban areas women had fewer employment opportunities than men did, and the

jobs available did not generally provide equal pay for equal work. Women’s

access to gainful employment, credit, and the opportunity to own or manage a

business was limited by their generally lower level of education and training and

by traditional attitudes.

Children

Birth Registration: Citizenship is derived from one’s parents. The law requires all

children to be registered at birth. Children born in hospitals were registered; most

of those born outside of hospitals were not. The overwhelming majority of

children, particularly in rural areas, were born at home. During the year the

government initiated a campaign to increase birth registrations.

Education: The law does not make education compulsory. As a policy primary

education was universal and tuition free; however, there were not enough schools

to accommodate the country’s youth, particularly in rural areas. The cost of school

supplies was prohibitive for many families. The number of students enrolled in

schools expanded faster than trained teachers could be deployed. The net primary

school enrollment rate was 90 percent of boys and 84 percent of girls

Child Abuse: Child abuse was widespread. Uvula cutting, tonsil scraping, and

milk tooth extraction were amongst the most prevalent harmful traditional

practices. The African Report on Child Wellbeing 2013, published by the African

Child Policy Forum, found the government had increased punishment for sexual

violence against children. “Child friendly” benches heard cases involving violence

against children and women. There was a commissioner for women and children’s

affairs in the EHRC.

Early and Forced Marriage: The law sets the legal marriage age for girls and boys

at 18; however, authorities did not enforce this law uniformly, and rural families

sometimes were unaware of this provision. In several regions it was customary for

older men to marry girls, although this traditional practice continued to face greater

scrutiny and criticism. The government strategy to address underage marriage

focused on education and mediation rather than punishment of offenders.

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According to a 2015 UNICEF report, 16 percent of women ages 20-24 were

married before age 15 and 41 percent before age 18. According to the 2011 DHS,

the median age of first marriage among women between ages 20 and 49 who were

surveyed was 17.1 years, compared with 16.5 years in 2005.

In Amhara and Tigray regions, girls were married as early as age seven. Child

marriage was most prevalent in Amhara Region, where approximately 45 percent

of girls marry before age 18, and the median first marriage age was 15.1 years,

according to the 2011 DHS, compared with 14.7 years in 2005. Regional

governments in Amhara and, to a lesser extent, Tigray offered programs to educate

girls, young women, parents, community leaders, and health professionals on

problems associated with early marriage.

Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (FGM/C): Information is provided in the

women’s section above.

Sexual Exploitation of Children: The minimum legal age for consensual sex is 18,

but authorities did not enforce this law. The law provides for three to 15 years in

prison for sexual intercourse with a minor. The law provides for one year in prison

and a fine of 10,000 birr ($444) for trafficking in indecent material displaying

sexual intercourse by minors. The law prohibits profiting from the prostitution of

minors and inducing minors to engage in prostitution; however, commercial sexual

exploitation of children continued, particularly in urban areas. Girls as young as

age 11 were reportedly recruited to work in brothels. Customers often sought these

girls because they believed them to be free of sexually transmitted diseases.

Young girls were trafficked from rural to urban areas. They also were exploited as

prostitutes in hotels, bars, resort towns, and rural truck stops. Reports indicated

family members forced some young girls into prostitution.

Infanticide or Infanticide of Children with Disabilities: Ritual and superstition-
based infanticide, including of infants with disabilities, continued in remote tribal

areas, particularly South Omo. Local governments worked to educate

communities against the practice.

Displaced Children: According to a 2010 report by the Ministry of Labor and

Social Affairs, approximately 150,000 children lived on the streets, of whom

60,000 were in the capital. The ministry’s report stated the inability of families to

support children due to parental illness or insufficient household income

exacerbated the problem. Research in 2014 by the ministry noted rapid

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urbanization, illegal employment brokers, high expectations of better life in cities,

and rural-urban migration were adding to the problem. These children begged,

sometimes as part of a gang, or worked in the informal sector. A large number of

unaccompanied minors from Eritrea continued to arrive in the country (see section

2.d.).

Institutionalized Children: There were an estimated 4.5 million orphans in the

country in 2012, according to statistics published by UNICEF. The vast majority

lived with extended family members. Government and privately run orphanages

were overcrowded, and conditions were often unsanitary. Due to severe resource

constraints, hospitals and orphanages often overlooked or neglected abandoned

infants. Institutionalized children did not receive adequate health care.

International Child Abductions: The country is not a party to the 1980 Hague

Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction. See the

Department of State’s Annual Report on International Parental Child Abduction at

travel.state.gov/content/childabduction/en/legal/compliance.html.

On April 15, members of the Murle ethnic group from South Sudan reportedly

abducted more than 100 children from Gambella Region (see section 6, Other

Societal Violence or Discrimination).

Anti-Semitism

The Jewish community numbered approximately 2,000 persons. There were no

reports of anti-Semitic acts.

Trafficking in Persons

See the Department of State’s Trafficking in Persons Report at

www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/.

Persons with Disabilities

The constitution does not mandate equal rights for persons with disabilities. The

law prohibits discrimination against persons with physical and mental disabilities

in employment and mandates access to buildings but does not explicitly mention

intellectual or sensory disabilities. It is illegal for deaf persons to drive.

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The law prohibits employment discrimination based on disability. It also makes

employers responsible for providing appropriate working or training conditions

and materials to persons with disabilities. The law specifically recognizes the

additional burden on women with disabilities. The government took limited

measures to enforce the law, for example, by assigning interpreters for deaf and

hard of hearing civil service employees (see section 7.d.). The Ministry of Labor

and Social Affairs and the Public Servants Administration Commission are

responsible for the implementation of the Proclamation on The Rights of Disabled

Persons to Employment.

The law mandates building accessibility and accessible toilet facilities for persons

with physical disabilities, although specific regulations that define the accessibility

standards were not adopted. Buildings and toilet facilities were usually not

accessible. Property owners are required to give persons with disabilities

preference for ground-floor apartments, and this was respected.

Women with disabilities were more disadvantaged than men with disabilities in

education and employment. The 2010 Population Council Young Adult Survey

found young persons with disabilities were less likely to have ever attended school

than those without disabilities. The survey indicated girls with disabilities were

less likely than boys to be in school: 23 percent of girls with disabilities were in

school, compared with 48 percent of girls and 55 percent of boys without

disabilities. Overall, 48 percent of young persons with disabilities surveyed

reported not going to school due to their disability. Girls with disabilities also

were much more likely to suffer physical and sexual abuse than girls without

disabilities. Of sexually experienced girls with disabilities, 33 percent reported

having experienced forced sex. According to the same survey, approximately 6

percent of boys with disabilities had been beaten in the three months prior to the

survey, compared with 2 percent of boys without disabilities.

There were several schools for persons with hearing and vision disabilities and

several training centers for children and young persons with intellectual

disabilities. There was a network of prosthetic and orthopedic centers in five of the

nine regional states.

The Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs worked on disability-related problems.

The CSO law continued to affect negatively several domestic associations, such as

the Ethiopian National Association of the Blind, the Ethiopian National

Association of the Deaf, and the Ethiopian National Association of the Physically

Handicapped, as it did other civil society organizations. International

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organizations and some local CSOs were active, particularly on issues concerning

accessibility and vocational training for persons with disabilities.

The right of persons with disabilities to vote and otherwise participate in civic

affairs is not restricted by law, although lack of accessibility can make

participation difficult. In the May 2015 national elections, African Union

observers reported voters requiring assistance were always provided with

assistance, either by a person of their choice or by polling staff. Most polling

stations were accessible to persons with disabilities, and priority was given to them

as well as to the elderly, pregnant women, and nursing mothers.

National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities

The country has more than 80 ethnic groups, of which the Oromo, at

approximately 35 percent of the population, is the largest. The federal system

drew boundaries approximately along major ethnic group lines. Most political

parties remained primarily ethnically based, although the ruling party and one of

the largest opposition parties are coalitions of ethnically based parties.

HRCO reported that a few Oromo protesters in Ameya, South West Shoa Zone of

Oromia, burnt down homes and property of Amhara residents on December 12,

2015. According to the HRCO report, the attack displaced several hundred

farmers and destroyed more than 800 homes. A number of Amhara farmers

reportedly retaliated by burning down homes of 96 Oromo farmers. The two

communities held joint meetings and condemned the attacks on both sides. They

were working together to rebuild the destroyed houses.

Acts of Violence, Discrimination, and Other Abuses Based on Sexual

Orientation and Gender Identity

Consensual same-sex sexual activity is illegal and punishable by three to 15 years’

imprisonment. No law prohibits discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual,

transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) individuals. There were some reports of

violence against LGBTI individuals; reporting was limited due to fear of

retribution, discrimination, or stigmatization. There are no hate crime laws or

other criminal justice mechanisms to aid in the investigation of abuses against

LGBTI individuals. Individuals did not identify themselves as LGBTI persons due

to severe societal stigma and the illegality of consensual same-sex sexual activity.

Activists in the LGBTI community stated they were followed and at times feared

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for their safety. There were no updates on reports of persons incarcerated for

allegedly engaging in same-sex sexual activities.

The AIDS Resource Center in Addis Ababa reported the majority of self-identified

gay and lesbian callers, most of whom were men, requested assistance in changing

their behavior to avoid discrimination. Many gay men reported anxiety, confusion,

identity crises, depression, self-ostracism, religious conflict, and suicide attempts.

HIV and AIDS Social Stigma

Societal stigma and discrimination against persons with or affected by HIV/AIDS

continued in the areas of education, employment, and community integration.

Persons with or affected by HIV/AIDS reported difficulty accessing various

services. There were no statistics on the scale of the problem.

Other Societal Violence or Discrimination

Violence occurred, including in Gambella Region and during protests.

On April 15, armed men from the Murle ethnic group from South Sudan who

crossed into the country reportedly killed more than 200 women and children in

three woredas of Nuer Zone in Gambella Region. The attackers also reportedly

abducted more than 100 children and stole thousands of cattle. The Murle attack

added to the instability of the region, which was already under pressure because of

interethnic clashes between Nuer and Anuak groups that started on January 20.

On April 21, South Sudanese refugees living in Jewi camp in Gambella Region

reportedly killed 10 Ethiopians contracted by an international NGO to build a

secondary education facility. The violence was triggered when an NGO-contracted

truck hit and killed two refugee children. Authorities detained 53 refugees

suspected of the killings and, on August 15, filed criminal charges against 23 of

them. According to the Administration for Refugee and Returnee Affairs, the

government provided two public defenders to represent the refugees at their trial.

The UNHCR Protection Unit as well as the International Committee of the Red

Cross had access to the detainees and monitored the legal process.

On June 29, residents of Hana Mariam, Furi, and Mango Cheffe localities of Nifas

Silk Laphto Subcity in Addis Ababa clashed with police and killed two police

officers and a local official during the start of the city government’s operation to

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evict residents forcibly. Both Addis Ababa Police Commission and Government

Communication Affairs Office confirmed the killings.

Section 7. Worker Rights

a. Freedom of Association and the Right to Collective Bargaining

The constitution and law provide workers, except for civil servants and certain

categories of workers primarily in the public sector, with the right to form and join

unions, conduct legal strikes, and bargain collectively, although other provisions

and laws severely restrict or excessively regulate these rights. The law specifically

prohibits managerial employees, teachers, health-care workers, judges,

prosecutors, security-service workers, domestic workers, and seasonal and part-
time agricultural workers from organizing unions.

A minimum of 10 workers is required to form a union. While the law provides all

unions with the right to register, the government may refuse to register trade

unions that do not meet its registration requirements including because of a

nonpolitical conviction of the union leader within the previous 10 years and the

presence of illegal union objectives. The government may unilaterally cancel the

registration of a union. Workers may not join more than one trade union per

employment. The law stipulates a trade union organization may not act in an

overtly political manner. The law allows administrative authorities to appeal to the

courts to cancel union registration for engaging in prohibited activities, such as

political action.

Other laws and regulations that explicitly or potentially infringe upon workers’

rights to associate freely and to organize include the CSO law, Council of

Ministers Regulation No. 168/2009 on Charities and Societies to reinforce the CSO

law, and the ATP. The International Labor Organization (ILO) Committee of

Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations noted the CSO

law gives the government power to interfere in the right of workers to organize,

including through the registration, internal administration, and dissolution of

organizations’ processes.

While the law recognizes the right of collective bargaining, this right was severely

restricted. Negotiations aimed at amending or replacing a collective agreement

must be completed within three months of its expiration; otherwise, the provisions

on wages and other benefits cease to apply. Civil servants, including public school

teachers, have the right to establish and join professional associations created by

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the employees but not to negotiate better wages or working conditions. Arbitration

procedures in the public sector are more restrictive than those in the private sector.

The law does not provide for effective and adequate sanctions against acts of

interference by other agents in the establishment, functioning, or administration of

either workers’ or employers’ organizations.

Although the constitution and law provide workers with the right to strike to

protect their interests, the law contains detailed provisions prescribing extremely

complex and time-consuming formalities that make legal strike actions difficult.

The law requires aggrieved workers to attempt reconciliation with employers

before striking and includes a lengthy dispute settlement process. These provisions

apply equally to an employer’s right to lock workers out. Two-thirds of the

workers concerned must support a strike before it is authorized. If a case has not

already been referred to a court or labor relations board, workers retain the right to

strike without resorting to either of these options, provided they give at least 10

days’ notice to the other party and the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs and

make efforts at reconciliation.

The law also prohibits strikes by workers who provide essential services, including

air transport and urban bus service workers, electric power suppliers, gas station

personnel, hospital and pharmacy personnel, firefighters, telecommunications

personnel, and urban sanitary workers. The list of essential services exceeds the

ILO definition of essential services. The law prohibits retribution against strikers,

but it also provides for civil or penal penalties against unions and workers involved

in unauthorized strike actions. Violation of this procedure is an offense punishable

with a fine not exceeding 1,200 birr ($53) if committed by a union or of 300 birr

($13) if committed by an individual worker. If the provisions of the penal code

prescribe more severe penalties, the punishment laid down in the code becomes

applicable. The government may dissolve unions for carrying out strikes in

“essential services.”

The informal labor sector, including domestic workers, was not unionized and was

not protected by labor laws. Workers are defined as persons in an employment

relationship. Lack of adequate staffing prevented the government from effectively

enforcing applicable laws for those sectors protected by law. Court procedures

were subject to lengthy delays and appeals.

Freedom of association and the right to collective bargaining were respected, but

some legal problems remained. The ILO was critical of the government’s alleged

use of the antiterrorism law to punish ringleaders, organizers, or commanders of

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forbidden societies, meetings, and assemblies. The government refused for the

fourth year to register the National Teachers Union (NTA) on grounds a national

teachers’ association already existed and that the NTA’s registration application

was not submitted in accordance with the CSO law. In 2013 an ILO mission made

a working visit and signed a joint statement with the Ministry of Labor and Social

Affairs, stating the government was committed to registering the NTA. The ILO’s

Ethiopia office reiterated this message and characterized the dispute as an

administrative issue focused on naming rights and diaspora membership.

While the government allowed citizens to exercise the right of collective

bargaining, enterprise unions are allowed to negotiate wages only at the plant level.

Unions in the formal industrial sector made some efforts to enforce labor

regulations.

Antiunion activities occurred but were rarely reported. Despite the law prohibiting

antiunion discrimination, unions reported employers terminated union activists.

There were unconfirmed reports that some major foreign investors generally did

not allow workers to form unions, often transferred or dismissed union leaders, and

intimidated and pressured members to leave unions. Lawsuits alleging unlawful

dismissal often took years to resolve because of case backlogs in the courts.

Employers found guilty of antiunion discrimination were required to reinstate

workers dismissed for union activities and generally did so. The law prohibits

retribution against strikers, and there were no reported cases of violations. Labor

officials reported that high unemployment, fear of retribution, and long delays in

hearing labor cases deterred workers from participating in strikes or other labor

actions.

b. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor

In August 2015 the federal government enacted a comprehensive overhaul of its

antitrafficking penal code. The code prescribes harsh penalties of up to life

imprisonment and a fine of 500,000 birr ($22,197) for human trafficking and

exploitation, including slavery, debt bondage, forced prostitution, and servitude.

Although the ban on labor migration to the Gulf States remained in effect, in

February the government enacted the Revised Overseas Employment Proclamation

(Proclamation No. 923/20 16), a major precondition for lifting the labor migration

ban.

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The law prohibits all forms of forced or compulsory labor but permits courts to

order forced labor as a punitive measure. Slavery, even in disguised form, is

punishable with five to 20 years’ imprisonment and a fine. The government did

not effectively enforce the law, and forced labor occurred. Police at the federal and

regional levels began to receive training focused on human trafficking and

exploitation. Both adults and children were forced to engage in street vending,

begging, traditional weaving, or agricultural work. Children also worked in forced

domestic labor. Situations of debt bondage also occurred in traditional weaving,

pottery making, cattle herding, and other agricultural activities, mostly in rural

areas. Girls were exploited in domestic servitude and prostitution in neighboring

African countries. Ethiopian women who migrated for work or fled abusive

employers in the Middle East were also vulnerable to sex trafficking. Men and

boys migrated to the Gulf States and other African nations, where some were

subjected to forced labor.

The government sometimes deployed prisoners to work outside the prisons for

private businesses, a practice the ILO stated could constitute compulsory labor.

Also see the Department of State’s Trafficking in Persons Report at

www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/.

c. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment

By law the minimum age for wage or salary employment is 14. The minimum age

provisions, however, apply only to contractual labor and do not apply to self-
employed children or children who perform unpaid work. The law prohibits

hazardous or night work for children between 14 and 18. The law defines

hazardous work as any work that could jeopardize a child’s health. Prohibited

work sectors include passenger transport, work in electric generation plants,

factory work, underground work, street cleaning, and many other sectors. The law

expressly excludes children under age 16 attending vocational schools from the

prohibition on hazardous work. The law does not permit children between ages 14

and 18 to work more than seven hours per day, between 10 p.m. and 6 a.m., or on

public holidays or rest days.

Child labor remained a serious problem. The small number of trained labor

inspectors and a lack of enforcement resources resulted in numerous violations.

Occupational safety and health measures were not effectively enforced, and

significant numbers of children worked in prohibited work sectors, particularly

construction.

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School enrollment was low, particularly in rural areas. To underscore the

importance of attending school, joint NGO and government-led community-based

awareness-raising efforts targeted communities where children were heavily

engaged in agricultural work. The government invested in modernizing

agricultural practices and constructing schools to combat the problem of child

labor in agricultural sectors.

In both rural and urban areas, children often began working at young ages. Child

labor was particularly pervasive in subsistence agricultural production, traditional

weaving, fishing, and domestic work. A growing number of children worked in

construction. Children in rural areas, especially boys, engaged in activities such as

cattle herding, petty trading, plowing, harvesting, and weeding, while other

children, mostly girls, collected firewood and fetched water. Children worked in

the production of gold. In small-scale gold mining, they dug mining pits and

carried heavy loads of water. Children in urban areas, including orphans, worked

in domestic service, often working long hours, which prevented many from

attending school regularly. Children also worked in manufacturing, shining shoes,

making clothes, parking, public transport, petty trading, as porters, and directing

customers to taxis. Some children worked long hours in dangerous environments

for little or no wages and without occupational safety protection. Child laborers

often faced physical, sexual, and emotional abuse at the hands of their employers.

Also see the Department of Labor’s Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor

at www.dol.gov/ilab/reports/child-labor/findings/.

d. Discrimination with Respect to Employment and Occupation

The law prohibits discrimination based on race, ethnicity, national origin

nationality, gender, marital status, religion, political affiliation, political outlook,

pregnancy, socioeconomic status, disability, or “any other conditions.” The law

specifically recognizes the additional burden on pregnant women and persons with

disabilities (see section 6). Sexual orientation, gender identity, and HIV-positive

status are not specifically protected. The penalty for discrimination on the above

grounds is a fine of 1,200 birr ($53). The government took limited measures to

enforce the law.

Discrimination in employment and occupation occurred with respect to women,

who had fewer employment opportunities than did men, and the jobs available did

not provide equal pay for equal work.

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Discrimination against migrant workers also occurred (see section 7.e.).

e. Acceptable Conditions of Work

There is no national minimum wage. Some government institutions and public

enterprises set their own minimum wages. Public-sector employees, the largest

group of wage earners, earned a monthly minimum wage of approximately 420 birr

($19). The official estimate for the poverty income level was 315 birr ($14) per

month.

Only a small percentage of the population, concentrated in urban areas, was

involved in wage-labor employment. Wages in the informal sector generally were

below subsistence levels.

The law provides for a 48-hour maximum legal workweek with a 24-hour rest

period, premium pay for overtime, and prohibition of excessive compulsory

overtime. The country has 13 paid public holidays per year. The law entitles

employees in public enterprises and government financial institutions to overtime

pay; civil servants receive compensatory time off for overtime work. The

government, industries, and unions negotiated occupational safety and health

standards. Workers specifically excluded by law from unionizing, including

domestic workers and seasonal and part-time agricultural workers, generally did

not benefit from health and safety regulations in the workplace.

The Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs’ inspection department was responsible

for enforcement of workplace standards. In 2015 the country had 423 labor

inspectors and, according to the ministry, they completed 37,500 inspections in

2015. The labor inspectors did not enforce standards effectively. The ministry’s

severely limited administrative capacity; lack of an effective mechanism for

receiving, investigating, and tracking allegations of violations; and lack of detailed,

sector-specific health and safety guidelines hampered effective enforcement of

these standards. Maximum penalties for different types of violations range from

300 birr ($13) to 1,000 birr ($44), which by themselves are insufficient to deter

such violations

Compensation, benefits, and working conditions of seasonal agricultural workers

were far below those of unionized permanent agricultural employees. The

government did little to enforce the law. Most employees in the formal sector

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The post ETHIOPIA 2016 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY appeared first on Bilisummaa.

By Dr. Baaroo Keno Deressa

To encounter this disarrayed secrecy of our enemy as an Oromo people we have to redefine our

commitment by saying: even if i died in the service of my nation Oromo, i would be proud of it. Every

drop of my blood and my brothers and sisters blood will contribute to the growth of our nation and

make it strong and dynamic. Great achievement is usually born of great sacrifice, and is never the

result of selfishness.

Oromo means peace, love, equality, democracy, justice, generosity and heroism and I am proud to be

born from this holistic and blessed nations. My people the task in front of us is enormous in order to

build our nations. Our tasks are not only defeating the current barbaric TPLF government. It is also

about our future that faces our nations like I have mentioned in my previous article “Nation-building is

the product of conscious statecraft, not happenstance.  Nation-building is always a work-in- progress; a

dynamic process in constant need of nurturing and re-invention. Nation-building never stops and true

nation-builder never rest because all nations are constantly facing up to new challenges. Nation-

building is therefore about building the tangible and intangible threads that hold a political entity

together and gives it a sense of purpose.”

The Oromo leaders and intellectuals always follow the path of truth, democratic road and humanity

(the exact definition of their root called Oromo nations) in order to foster new era in the Ethiopian

empire to bring eternal peace for all oppressed nations. Here are some evidences from countless

examples (General Waaqoo Guutu.peace agreement with Emperor Hailesilasse, forming of

transitional government by OLF, Mr. Bekele Gerba the vice chairman of OFC and prof. Merara Gudina

the chairman of OFC preaching peace and tolerance, Mr. Leenco Lataa the former founder of the OLF

and the current president of ODF accept all humiliation for the sake of peace and millions of innocent

Oromo peoples still languishing in the prison camp demanding peace and democracy). Our enemies

are loudly and clearly responding us by brutal actions massacring and detaining thousands of Oromo’s

and showed us their allergic sign for peace, freedom and democracy. The actions taken by our

leaders  and intellectuals  shows the powerfulness of the truth (Oromo nations) and commitment of

Oromummaa for peace, freedom democracy, equality, respect of human right and rule of law. But Our

colonizers are always choose to follow undemocratic way of governing, the path of destruction and

hatred.

Our enemies are organized to disintgrate us, organized to wage war against us. organized to

strengthen their colonial rule. But certain individuals are disoriented and frustrated by enemy

propaganda and hide theirself under paltalk and face book to propagate enemy plan by insulting our

dedicated leaders, our hero’s “WBO” , gallant qerroo movement and spread wrong information among

our community to culture millions of opportunistic individuals and traitors. But late me clear: We

Oromo people in general are rejecting all types of remote controlled offer of our enemy through his

mutagenic so called leaders and traitors with sweat words and zero actions. We as a nation are

struggling to become the master of our destiny and eradicating all types of oppression (political,

economical, military,business and judiciary).

Here is my questions:

1) Is it fair during those difficult time to waste our time talking about peace, ethiopiansim and

analysing enemy offer ? or are you the enemy messenger with mutagenic code !!!!

2) Is it fair to blackmail and unfairly criticizing those who are doing the real job on the ground in

Oromia? Or are you the member of mutant traitors??

3) Is it valuable for Oromo people to spread wrong information among our community to weaken

our vanguard Organization OLF? Or are you the selfish and opportunistic individuals with

mutagenic label??

4) Is it fair to hurt and cheat the holistic, great and blessed Oromo nation to safeguard your

private property, richness and personal ambition ? or are you born to be traitors??

5) Is it fair at this essential time to praise the ex TPLF’s regime mutagenic servant and criticize

the dedicated Oromo leaders (those individuals were/are sacrifices their entire life without any

conflict of interest?) In my opinion everybody with Oromo blood on his hand will face proper

punishment in front of his own people, until that day no individuals or organization has right to

apologized him or her. When Oromo people is paying humongous sacrifice with his life and

blood for the great goal (liberating Oromo people and building Democratic republic of Oromia)

apologizing collaborators, opportunistic individuals and traitors is equal to act of treason. De

loyalty of those peoples and organization to the Oromummaa code of conduct is

questionable!! Now TPLF is using these episode as a wonderful strategical gain (not tactical

gain) and passed to the next step to eradicate great nations of Oromo through mutagenic

process in order to expand his destructive polices to the higher grade with full force.

In order to answer all those question correctly let us start from defining the mutagenic process.

Deoxyribonucleic acid or DNA is a molecule that contains the instructions an organism needs to

develop, live and reproduce. These instructions are found inside every cell, and are passed down

from parents to their children. DNA is made up of molecules called nucleotides. Each nucleotide

contains a phosphate group, a sugar group and a nitrogen base. The four types of nitrogen bases

are adenine (A), thymine (T), guanine (G) and cytosine (C). The order of these bases is what

determines DNA's instructions, or genetic code. Similar to the way the order of letters in the

alphabet can be used to form a word, the order of nitrogen bases in a DNA sequence forms

genes, which in the language of the cell, tells cells how to make proteins.

An organism's Deoxyribonucleic (DNA) affects how it looks, how it behaves, and its physiology. So

a change in an organism's DNA can cause changes in all aspects of its life. A wide range of

experimental systems are available for the study of spontaneous or environmentally induced

mutagenic processes. There are many different ways that DNA can be changed, resulting in

different types of mutation. Here is a quick summary of a few of these(substitution, insertion and

deletion)

1) Substitution: A substitution is a mutation that exchanges one base for another (i.e., a change

in a single "chemical letter" such as switching an A to a G).

Such a substitution could:

1. change a codon to one that encodes a different amino acid and cause a small change in the

protein produced. For example, sickle cell anemia is caused by a substitution in the beta-

hemoglobin gene, which alters a single amino acid in the protein produced.

2. change a codon to one that encodes the same amino acid and causes no change in the

protein produced. These are called silent mutations.

3. change an amino-acid- coding codon to a single "stop" codon and cause an incomplete

protein. This can have serious effects since the incomplete protein probably won't function.

NB: TPLF used the First step of mutagenic proces for 25 years until now (Mr. Junedin time of TPLF

services) unsuccessfully tried to get the right effect: Changing Oromummaa →to →abbagarummaa,

gandummaa and gantummaa. At this crucial time when our peoples are hunted down by TPLF para

commandos and militia’s like fox in their god given country, torture and massa murder is openly and

widely going on, sitting with collaborators and praising TPLF rest over collectors is shame and un

Oromummaa and absolutely contrary to sabonummaa. Our task of Oromummaa with sabonummaa

is creating hero’s, cultivating briliant individuals to eradicate our enemy but not manufacturing

selfishness, traitors and collaborators.

2) Insertion: Insertions are mutations in which extra base pairs are inserted into a new place in

the DNA. That gives totally another information than the correct one.

Example:

Sabbonummaa→add the word dha and blu→sabdhablummaa→with out nation, with out pride

and without belongingness (that is the core goal of our colonizers, they want to destroy us in

order to build their society, their nation with pride and belongingness). That is the exact

meaning of Mr. Lemma (Mutagenic servant). Look one tangible evidence: Tigray is for tigrians,

Amahara is for Amaharas but Oromia is belong to everybody, that is why they took our farmers land

and sell to everybody, that is why they took all our resources and enrich themselves. Enemies are

enemy why Oromo’s are taking part in this dirty enemy game (i think the mutated gene force them to

act like servant).

NB: After a minor succes in the First step of mutagenic proces through substitution type TPLF is now

passed to the second step of mutagenic proces insertion type to destroy the great nation of Oromo.

One of this example is recent speech of mutant servant Mr. Lemma (inserting the word dha and blu

in the gantummaa code of OPDO) . This man spoke about sabonumma without understanding the

definitions of sabonummaa. When we talk about sabonumma rejecting enemy, denying all

collaborations, confronting death to defend the truth and ready for maximaal sacrifice to protect your

people. But this man spoke within the same speech two cotradictory points. (sabonummaa (pride) and

economical revolution(servant)). I am not surprised because i know that, that speech was deliberately

designed by TPLF core of destruction master inorder to fulfill their strategical policy (destroying Oromo

nation) let us look at the fact of cotradictory points:

Mr. Lemma tell me is it possible to offer a very nice Music to a deaf person and demanding his

commentar about that voice !!!! Mr. Lemma is it ethically and morally responsible to demand a critically

ill patiënt to dance!!!! Mr. Lemma is it sane to ask a blind person to read a note on the blackboard!!!! I

listen all your speech and as an Oromo i am happy to hear from an Oromo leader such kind of nice

words. At the same time your speech nauseated me too because you are fulfilling enemy desire.

When millions of our people are langushing in the detention center, when mass murder is going on,

when the icon of our struggle the Harar Oromo’s are slaughterd by mercenary liyyu police, when the

oromo intellectuals, old, Young, women and children are hunted down like fox by TPLF para

commando’s and when 50millions of Oromo people are in home arrest how came that you accept

TPLF lies to mislead your own people. But as you know and as i get the evidence of TPLF destruction

policy it is shame on you to mislead your people and preparing our great nation for more sophsticated

and complicated situation. One day the history and the truth wil Judge you.

Second when we are unable to protect our children, our womens (the backbone of our society), our

elderly from rapist TPLF para commando’s, from butcher TPLF polices, from merciless TPLF security

agents tell me How we are going to make economical revolution!!!!At this moment there is no

single protection mechanism for Oromo people. Yes according to your formula abbagarummaa,

gantummaa and gabrummaa will protect you from your boss TPLF killing machine. Let me tell you

again we Oromo people are a proud nation in our history, in our culture, in our actions and in our way

of thinking. That is why we reject your underclass behavior, pupetism, opportunistic character and

slavery.

Let me tell you Mr.Lemma and your boss TPLF core with master of destruction:

 Sabonumma means Oromummaa with dignified concept of identity but not mutagenic servant

 Sabonumma says no to the enemy, no to the colonization, no to the mass killer, no to the

state terrorism, no to the murderer of women and children

 Sabonumma is against the enemy but not the friend of our killer

 Sabonumma says no economic development until we Oromo people become the master of

our destination

3) Deletion:

Deletions are mutations in which a section of DNA is lost, or deleted. That means the total

message of the code is uninformative and dangerous (total frameshift).

YOU ARE NOT FAT

OUA REN OTF AT

Example:

Frameshift: Since protein-coding DNA is divided into codons three bases long, insertions and

deletions can alter a gene so that its message is no longer correctly parsed. These changes are called

frameshifts.

For example, consider the sentence, "YOU ARE NOT FAT." Each word represents a codon. If we

delete the first letter and parse the sentence in the same way, it doesn't make sense. OUA REN OTF

AT.

In frameshifts, a similar error occurs at the DNA level, causing the codons to be parsed incorrectly.

This usually generates truncated proteins that are as useless as " OUA REN OTF AT" is

uninformative.

That is our enemy century long project to make Oromummaa uninformative.

Oromummaa with sabonummaa→to→gandummaa, abbagarummaa, gadhummaa, harummaa fi

gabrummaa and tigrummaa.

Let me clarify in detail:

NB: Successive Ethiopian regimes have never displayed humanity or respect for Oromo’s and denied

opportunities to build their social, economic, political, cultural and organizational infrastructures. In all

spheres of life, discrimination, subjugation, repression and exploitation of all forms were applied.

Everything possible was done to destroy Oromo identity – culture, language, custom, tradition, name

and origin. In short the leaders of Ethiopian regimes maintained the general policy of genocide against

the Oromo people. The current TPLF colonizer is worst than the previous one. This government

publicly annonces to respect the rule of law but practically zero action (if you demand your right

according to the law your answer will be death or imprisonment). This fascist TPLF government is

using scientifical proces to destroy the great nation of Oromo people. Their goal is cultivating millions

of opportunistic peoples with zero “sabonummaa” that they can abuse them.

To summarize the brutal colonial Ethiopian empire long term strategical policy as follows:

 The previous one started with:

Changing our name (from Badhasa to Tesfaye, from Ebbisa to xibebu)

Changing our city (from adam to Naziret, from finfinne to Addis Abeba, from bishoftu to

dabrezeit)

 Now their nephew TPLF is using Liyyu police as mercenary and scientifical approach

(mutagenic proces) to accomplish the destruction of great nation. That is

Oromummaa with sabonummaa→to→ gandummaa, abbagarummaa, gadhummaa, harummaa fi

gabrummaa and tigrummaa.

TPLF fascist uses actively two methods to accomplish his strategical destructive policy .1) Open

destruction to make Oromo people landless and peace less through Liyyu police (merecenary)

2)Creating diaspora mutagenic center. There are already 236 mutagenic individuals arrived in

western country From 236 individuals 120 were sent to USA, 116 of them were sent to different

European country. Their main goal is to create unrest among Oromo community by distributing false

information through pal talk and face book, to blackmail OLF, to weaken the Oromo unity, to recruit

opportunistic individuals in the name of business, to appreciate OPDO job and insult OLF leaders. If

you need to recognize these people easily they have unique characteristics 1) they are speaking day

and night about business 2) they are not ready to pay minimum sacrifices 3)they are talking about

sabonummaa on day time and late in the evening they are dancing with our killer TPLF agents 4)they

build house on the Oromo farmers land around Finfinnee in collaboration with our enemy.

Way forward:

We have to stop this active and silent genocide by all means necessary by acting now under

one umbrella as a son and daughter of Oromo nation

I am totally confident that we are going to eradicate our enemy combined with their mutagenic servant

. We as an Oromo our task is not only eradicating our enemy and building a democratic republic of

Oromia. Our task is also to be a role model for our region, Africa and global world because of our

quality as a nation with a collective parameters ( inventor of peace and love model, visionary and

optimistic nation, unmatched heroism with immeasurable bravery during peace and war, full of talency

with eagerness and the kindest nation on earth). Unfortunately this great nation with collective

parameters are imprisoned in an empire by imbecilic elites. We as an Oromo nation we have to

confront this enemy with all our ability and forces.

Here are my proposals:

1) Every Oromo man and women have to ask yourself about your contribution against

colonization. If you didn’t done yet now it is the proper time to contact your political

organization , your religion center, your regional institution or your community leaders. If you

fail to do that the history will judge you.

2) We Oromo people reject TPLF controlled economic revolution without our full freedom. TPLF

economic vision for Oromo’s is slavery and contain some substance with high risk of sudden

death. An imbecilic colonial elites can not give us any type of lecture about economic

revolution while they are stealing our resources.

3) We need the true economic revolution and freedom. The world is moving toward the twin

foundation of democracy, economic development, innovative science and technology.

Technological revolution of informatics, telecommunications and transportations combined

with the political and economical revolution of freedom is the best way that leads all nations

toward peace and stability. But not the low class business of TPLF stealing the Oromo farmers

land and selling to another Oromo

4) As an Oromo it is time to put our vision differences aside and work hard to empower our

WBO’s, Qeerroo movement and our vanguard organization OLF to speak loudly against the

destructive policy of our enemy. The ability to make war is itself the product of a synergistic

package of capabilities. More important, armed conflict is, after all, an instrumentality for

attaining various ends; it is not an end in itself. As an Oromo we have no other option left

except fighting back forcefully this brutal and barberic TPLF government.

5) Put our nation interest first instead of making money by peoples blood. Enemy plan is to

cultivate millions of opportunistic and traitors. As an Oromo we have to reject this type of

underclass thinking and watch them (enemy and their collaborators) and expose them to deny

safe heaven and avoid them from contaminating our community. Tell them even if you follow

them (enemy) and do your best to make things beter or mediate you are not heard and you

will be victim.

6) Our intellectuals have to concentrate on dual activities (offensive and defensive plan).

A)Defensive: TPLF designed to weaken our people in order to abuse them whenever they

need. These weakening project of TPLF have multiple aspects (economically, agriculture,

scientifical way of thinking, health care facilities, policy plan on the nations vision, ….etc). Here

we have to create some safety net in collaborating with international organs in order to be

voice for our nations.

B)Offensive: Beside our WBO’s and Qeerroo movement heroic acts to eradicate our enemy

we have to invent some kinds of therapy in order to enhance our victory. It is the home work

for every Oromo intellectual to think about this remedy.

7) In order to strengthen our unity and enhance our victory we have to liquidate the traitors and

opportunistic individuals by promoting the organization or movement which fight the ultimately

battle for our nations to bring kneel down our century long enemies.

8) Put our own house in order, There are also a great many examples of ephemeral political

systems in contemporary human societies. When the basketball game is over, the team-

members will go home for the night. When the show is over, the actors will disperse. And

when the collective response to a local disaster has achieved its immediate objectives, the ad

hoc political system that arose to coordinate the efforts of various agencies (fire,police, repair

services, housing, food distribution, volunteers, etc.) will be disbanded. Now i have a message

to the Oromo political parties stop confusing our community, stop insulting the organization

that doing his best in all aspects and ask yourself and your organization about your delivery

since your birth. If you are existing only by name disperse or disband the group and start to

empower your community to challenge our enemy with unity. If not the truth and the blood of

our brothers and sisters will Judge you.

Victory to the Oromo people!

Dr. B. K. DERESSA, Medical degree in internal medicine, specialized in Gastro-Hepatology diseases.

University Hospital of Brussels-Belgium

The post Revelation of TPLF secret plan to destroy the great nation of Oromo through mutagenic process appeared first on Bilisummaa.

QOOSAA:- ADDA DURUMMAA DUREESSA TOKKOO

Akkuma beekamu biyyoota guddatan fkn USA keessatti
namoota qofaaf osoo hin taane beeyladoota akka fardaafis
kunuunsi addaa ni godhama. Fkn farda dhiquu, ilkaan isaa
qulqulleessuu, jammura isaa filuu, eegee isaa filuu kkf.

Biyya Itoophiyaatittis dureessi tokko guddinna biyyattii
kan mirkaneessu korbeeyyan re’iinii 20 dhibba sadi sadiin bitee;
nama itti qaxaree kunuunsaa; areeda re’iinii filchiisee jira.
Gochichis gochaa fakkeennummaa qabu ta’ee jira. Areedni
korbeyyaniis dheeratee dheeratee lafa gahe; ciqilee
tokko dheeerate!! Kanaan boodas adda dureen qoteebulaa kun tokko
tokkoo korbayyanii qarshii 30,000 gurguree; walumaagalatti
20*30,000=600,000 (kuma dhibba jahatti)
gurguratee kunis qoteebulaa adda duree dureessicha taasisee jira;
badhaasas adda durummaan argamsiiseefii jira. Kanas Itoophiyaan
guddinna ariifachiisaa keessa galuu isii EBC(Ethiopian Broadcasting
Coorporation) gabaase!! Kolfa! Kaa! Kaa!…
Gamteessaa Sabaatin

The post QOOSAA:- ADDA DURUMMAA DUREESSA TOKKOO appeared first on Bilisummaa.